The   Autobiography  of 

Benjamin  Franklin 

The  Unmutilated  and  Correct  Version 


Compiled  and  Edited,  with  Notes 
By 

John   Bigelow 


G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons 
New  York  and  London 
Cbe  fmicfterbocfcer  preae 


LOAN  STACK 


.    4-vO, 


I® 


PREFACE 

THOUGH  a  voluminous  writer  and  one  of  the  great 
masters  of  English  expression,  Franklin  wrote 
habitually  with  a  single  eye  to  immediate  practical 
results.  He  never  posed  for  posterity.  Of  all  the 
writings  to  which  he  mainly  owes  his  present  fame, 
it  would  be  difficult  to  name  one  which  he  gave  to  the 
press  himself  or  of  which  he  saw  the  proofs.  Yet 
he  never  wrote  a  dull  line  nor  many  which  a  century 
of  time  has  robbed  of  their  interest  or  value.  What 
ever  he  wrote  seems  to  have  been  conceived  upon  a 
scale  which  embraced  the  whole  human  race  as  well 
as  the  individual  or  class  to  whom  it  was  specifically 
addressed,  the  one  evidence  of  true  greatness  which 
never  deceives  nor  misleads.  If  he  wrote  to  his  wife, 
it  was  more  or  less  a  letter  from  every  husband  to 
his  wife;  if  to  his  daughter,  it  was  a  letter  that  any 
daughter  would  be  pleased  to  receive  from  her  father; 
if  to  a  philosopher  or  a  statesman,  there  was  always 
that  in  the  manner  and  the  matter  of  it  which  time 
cannot  stale,  and  which  will  be  read  by  every  states 
man  and  philosopher  with  the  sort  of  interest  they 
would  have  felt  had  it  been  addressed  personally  to 
them.  The  Autobiography  is  here  printed  in  the 
text  as  edited  by  Mr.  John  Bigelow  for  the  Collected 
Edition  of  Franklin's  Works.  It  is  the  only  text 

iil 

224 


Iv  Preface 

of  this  famous  volume  which  is  based  on  the  original 
manuscript,  and  which  is  given  without  mutilation. 
Mr.  Bigelow  writes  (in  the  Introduction  to  the 
Works  of  Franklin,  published  in  1879): 

Most  of  the  versions  of  this  delightful  work  are  reprints 
of  a  translation  from  the  French,  in  which  language  it 
happened  first  to  be  given  to  the  world.  The  actual  text 
was  not  discovered  until  some  thirty  years  back  when  the 
editor  was  fortunate  enough  to  become  possessed  of  the 
original  manuscript.  It  was  then  found  that  the  first 
edition,  which  purported  to  be  made  from  the  original 
manuscript,  and  was  published  in  1816,  under  the  nomi 
nal  editorship  of  William  Franklin  Temple,  the  grand 
son  of  Dr.  Franklin,  had  in  fact  been  prepared  from  a 
copy  and  from  a  copy  that  was  incomplete,  and  that  the 
text  had  been  further  mutilated  to  suit  the  political 
taste  of  the  time  in  England,  and,  it  is  presumed,  the 
personal  exigencies  of  the  editor. 

Upon  a  careful  collation  of  the  edition  of  1816  with  the 
autograph  manuscript,  it  was  discovered  that  over  1200 
alterations  had  been  made  in  the  text,  and,  what  was 
more  remarkable,  that  some  of  the  later  pages  of  this 
masterpiece  of  biography  had  been  omitted  altogether. 
It  was  a  text  of  this  incomplete  London  reprint  that  was 
followed  by  Dr.  Sparks  in  his  edition  of  Franklin's  works, 
and  that  has  been  utilized  for  all  the  popular  English 
editions  of  the  volume. 


CONTENTS 
1706-1757 


PAGB 

PREFACE iii 

INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  AUTOBIOGRAPHY  OP  FRANKLIN  .  3 
I. — FRANKLIN'S  SKELETON  SKETCH  OF  HIS  AUTO 
BIOGRAPHY     28 

II. — 1706-1757.     AUTOBIOGRAPHY  31 


THE  AUTOBIOGRAPHY 


YOU  I.— I. 


THE  AUTOBIOGRAPHY 


C  RANKLIN  began  his  Autobiography,  the  longest 
of  his  writings,  during  his  residence  in  Eng 
land  as  agent  of  the  colonies,  in  the  year  1771.  He 
was  at  the  time  on  a  visit  to  the  family  of  Dr.  Jona 
than  Shipley,  the  bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  with  whom 
he  was  on  terms  of  peculiar  and  cordial  intimacy. 
The  part  then  written  covers  the  period  from  his 
birth,  in  1706,  to  his  marriage,  in  1730.  It  was  ex 
ecuted  to  this  point,  he  informs  us,  for  the  gratifica 
tion  of  his  own  family.  It  afterwards  was  continued, 
at  the  solicitation  of  some  of  his  friends,  with  the 
expectation  that  it  would  ultimately  be  given  to  the 
public.  The  second  part,  which  is  comparatively 
brief,  was  written  at  his  residence  in  Passy,  while 
Minister  to  France.  The  third  part  was  begun  in 
August,  1788,  after  his  return  to  his  home  in  Phil 
adelphia,  and  brings  the  narrative  down  to  1757. 
This  part  ends  the  autobiography  so  far  as  it 
was  printed  up  to  1867,  when  the  first  edition  ever 
printed  from  the  original  manuscript  was  given  to 
the  public,  and  which  contained  a  fourth  part,  con 
sisting  of  a  few  pages  written  in  1789.  Franklin 
died  in  the  spring  of  the  following  year,  and  by  his 
will  left  most  of  his  papers  and  manuscripts,  this 

3 


4  Autobiography  of 

autobiography  among  them,  to  his  grandson,  Wil 
liam  Temple  Franklin,  who  sailed  for  England  a  few 
months  after,  with  the  intention,  as  he  then  pro 
claimed,  of  publishing  it  in  a  collection  of  his  grand 
father's  works.  This  purpose  was  not  destined  to  be 
realized,  however,  until  after  an  interval  of  twenty- 
^ven  or  eight  years.1  Meantime,  and  in  the  year 
following  Franklin's  death,  a  French  version  of  the 
first  portion  of  the  autobiography  was  published  in 
Paris.  From  this  point  the  history  of  this  manu 
script  is  a  succession  of  surprises,  which  has  scarce 
any  parallel  in  ancient  or  modern  bibliography,  with 
the  possible  exception  of  the  writings  of  Aristotle 
and  the  Table  Talk  of  Martin  Luther.  Where  the 
text  was  obtained,  from  which  this  translation  was 
made,  and  by  whom  it  was  made,  are  secrets  which 
the  grave  of  time  has  not  yet  given  up.2  The  Nou- 
velle  Biographic  Generate,  Paris,  1858,  attributes  the 
translation  to  Dr.  Jacques  Gibelin,  who,  to  the  profes 
sions  of  physician  and  naturalist,  added  that  of  a 
translator  from  the  English.  Whether  he  or  some 
one  else  made  the  translation  is  of  very  little  con 
sequence  now.  It  would,  however,  be  a  satisfaction 
to  know  how  he  obtained  the  text  from  which  he 
translated.  The  first  sentence  in  his  Preface  prac 
tically  concedes  that  it  was  obtained  by  some 

1  See  supra,  Preface,  and  "The  Life  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  Written 
by  Himself,  now  first  Edited  from  Original  Manuscript,  and  from  his 
Printed  Correspondence  and  Other  Writings,"  by  John  Bigelow.  J.  P. 
Lip pine ott  &  Co.,  Philadelphia,  jd  edition,  1884. 

3  M€moires  de  la  vie  privee  du  Benjamin  Franklyn,  Merits  par  luimeme 
et  addresses  a  son  fils;  suivis  d'un  precis  historique  de  sa  vie  politique,  et 
de  plusieurs  precis,  relatives  a  ce  pere  de  la  libertt.  A.  Paris:  chez  Buis- 
son,  Libraire,  rue  Hautefeuille  No,  20, 


Benjamin  Franklin  5 

method  which  he  does  not  think  it  worth  his  while 
to  reveal  to  the  public. 

"  I  shall  not  enter,"  he  says,  " into  a  detail  of  little 
importance  to  my  readers — on  the  manner  in  which 
the  original  manuscript  of  these  memoirs,  which  is  in 
English,  fell  into  my  hands.  From  the  moment  I  had 
run  over  it,  it  appeared  to  me  to  be  so  interesting 
that  I  do  not  hesitate  to  allow  myself  the  pleasure 
of  putting  it  into  French." 

It  appears  by  Franklin's  correspondence  that 
copies  of  this  first  part  of  his  autobiography  were 
sent  to  two  or  three  of  his  friends  in  Europe  prior  to 
his  beginning  work  on  the  second  part.  It  is  proba 
ble — in  fact,  it  hardly  admits  of  a  doubt,  that  the 
first  French  version  of  1791  was  made  from  one  of 
these. 

In  a  note  to  the  Preface  of  this  first  French  edition 
the  publisher  says:  " Persons  curious  to  see  the 
Memoirs  of  the  Private  Life  of  Franklin  in  their 
original  tongue  may  inscribe  their  names  at  Buis- 
son's,  bookseller,  rue  Hautefeuille  No.  20,  for  a  copy 
of  this  work.  It  will  be  put  to  press  as  soon  as  four 
hundred  subscribers  are  secured.  The  price  for  each 
subscriber  will  be  48  sols."  The  requisite  number 
of  subscribers  was  probably  not  secured,  for  no  Eng 
lish  version  of  the  autobiography  appeared  until  two 
years  later,  in  1793,  and  then  two  separate  transla 
tions  were  published  in  London,  one  edited  by  Dr. 
Price,  and  commonly  known  as  the  Robinson  edi 
tion.  In  this  the  editor  for  the  first  time  supple 
ments  the  fragment  of  autobiography,  which  only 
-x>mes  down  to  1731,  with  a  continuation  of  Dr. 


6  Autobiography  of 

Franklin's  life,  most  of  which  had  appeared  in  the 
Columbian  Magazine,1  of  Philadelphia.  The  greater 
part  of  this  supplementary  sketch  was  written  by 
Dr.  Henry  Stuber,  whose  death  at  the  early  age  of 
twenty-four,  however,  brought  his  work  to  a  some 
what  abrupt  conclusion.  Parsons 's  edition  is  another 
translation  from  the  French  edition  of  Buisson.2 

There  were  three  issues  of  Robinson's  edition  in  a 
short  time,  and  it  was  soon  reprinted  in  Dublin, 
Dundee,  Edinburgh,  New  York,  Salem,  and  in  many 
other  places,  while  of  Parsons 's  edition,  though  it 
contains  some  matter  not  to  be  found  in  Buisson 's 
edition,  we  have  never  seen  a  reprint. 

The  Robinson  edition  practically  kept  possession 
of  the  English  market  until  1817,  when  William 
Temple  Franklin  published  a  new  edition  of  the  auto 
biography  in  his  collection  of  the  works  of  his  grand 
father.  It  was  taken  from  the  copy  that  had  been 
sent  by  Franklin  to  his  friend  Le  Veillard,  the 
mayor  of  Passy,  one  of  his  most  devoted  friends. 

From  this  time  forth  the  original  manuscript  of 
the  autobiography  went  into  eclipse.  It  was  known 
not  to  be  among  the  manuscripts  in  the  possession 
of  William  Temple  Franklin ;  but  what  had  become 
of  it — its  destruction  was  hardly  conceivable — was 
a  mystery.  WTiere  and  how  it  was  discovered, 

1  See  Nos.  for  May,  June,  July,  September,  October,  November  of 
1790,  and  February,  March,  May,  and  June  of  1791. 

3  The  Private  Life  of  the  Late  Benjamin  Franklyn,  LL.D.,  late  Minister 
and  Plenipotentiary  from  the  United  States  of  America  to  France,  and 
originally  written  by  himself.  And  now  translated  from  the  French.  To 
which  are  added  some  account  of  his  public  life,  and  a  variety  of  anecdotes 
concerning  him,  by  M.  M.  Brissot,  Condorcet  Rochefoucault,  Le  Roy,  etc., 
ytc.  And  the  Eulogium  of  M.  Fauchet.  London:  J.  Parsons,  1798. 


Benjamin  Franklin  7 

after  an  interval  of  half  a  century,  is  one  of  the  re 
markable  incidents  in  its  remarkable  history.  We 
shall  give  the  story  here  as  it  has  been  set  down  by 
the  editor  for  another  occasion. 

Among  my  guests  one  day  at  dinner  in  Paris,  in 
the  summer  of  1866,  was  the  late  Professor  Labou- 
laye.  He  had  recently  translated  and  published  a 
selection  from  the  writings  of  Franklin,  and  as  he 
had  amiably  sent  me  a  copy,  it  naturally  became 
one  of  the  topics  of  our  conversation.  In  the  course 
of  the  entertainment,  I  asked  my  guests,  who,  as 
far  as  I  remember,  were  all  French  gentlemen  of 
letters,  if  they  had  ever  heard,  or  if  they  had  any 
reason  to  suspect,  that  the  original  manuscript  of 
Franklin's  autobiography  was  in  France.  All  an 
swered  in  the  negative.  I  then  assigned  some 
reasons  for  thinking  that  unless  it  had  been  de 
stroyed,  which,  was  in  the  highest  degree  improbable, 
it  was  somewhere  within  the  limits  of  the  empire. 

i  st.  I  said  I  had  received  the  impression  some 
years  previous  from  Mr.  Henry  Stevens,  a  profes 
sional  book-collector  in  London,  that  he  had  seen  the 
manuscript  in  the  hands  of  a  gentleman  residing  in 
France — I  had  an  indistinct  impression  that  he  said 
at  Amiens, — and  had  only  been  discouraged  from 
buying  it  by  the  price. 

2d.  Romilly  (Sir  Samuel)  in  his  diary  speaks  of 
having  looked  through  the  autobiography  of  Frank 
lin  at  the  house  of  a  friend  whom  he  was  visiting  in 
Paris  in  1802.' 

1  "  Sept.  7th,  Mad.  Gautier  procured  for  me  the  reading  of  the  original 
manuscript  of  Dr.  Franklin's  Life.  There  are  only  two  copies — this, 


8  Autobiography  of 

3d.  If,  as  this  record  authorized  the  belief,  the 
original  manuscript  was  ever  in  France,  there  was 
every  reason  to  presume  it  was  there  still. 

4th.  It  was  in  the  highest  degree  improbable 
that  a  manuscript  of  that  character  could  be  in 
the  United  States  without  its  lodging-place  being 
a  matter  of  common  notoriety,  whereas  none  of 
Franklin's  numerous  biographers  profess  to  have 
had  any  trace  of  it  after  the  death  of  William  Tem 
ple  Franklin  in  1823. 

5th.  As  William  Temple  Franklin  embarked  for 
Europe  within  a  few  weeks  after  the  death  of  his 
grandfather,  whose  papers  he  inherited,  and  never 
returned  to  the  United  States,  the  presumption  was 
that  this  manuscript  was  in  Europe  and  that  it  was 
not  in  the  United  States. 

M.  Laboulaye  seemed  struck  by  the  force  of 
these  considerations ;  said  he  had  a  friend  at  Amiens 
who  would  be  sure  to  know  if  any  literary  treasure 
of  that  nature  was  concealed  in  the  neighborhood; 
and  if  in  France,  whether  at  Amiens  or  not,  he  felt 

and  one  which  Dr.  Franklin  took  with  a  machine  for  copying  letters, 
and  which  is  in  possession  of  his  grandson.  Franklin  gave  the  manu 
script  to  M.  le  Veillard,  of  Passy,  who  was  guillotined  during  the  Revo 
lution.  Upon  his  death  it  came  into  the  hands  of  his  daughter  or 
granddaughter,  Mad'lle  le  Veillard,  who  is  the  present  possessor  of  it.  It 
appears  evidently  to  be  the  first  draught  written  by  Franklin,  for  in  a 
great  many  places  the  word  originally  written  is  erased  with  a  pen,  and 
a  word  nearly  synonymous  substituted  in  its  place,  not  over  the  other, 
but  further  on,  so  as  manifestly  to  show  that  the  correction  was  made 
at  the  time  of  the  original  composition.  The  manuscript  contains  a 
great  many  additions  made  upon  a  very  wide  margin;  but  I  did  not 
find  that  a  single  passage  was  anywhere  struck  out.  Part  of  the  work, 
but  not  quite  half  of  it,  has  been  translated  into  French,  and  from 
French  re-translated  into  English.  The  Life  comes  down  no  lower  than 
to  the  year  1758." — "Life  of  Romilly,  vol.  i.,  p.  408. 


Benjamin  Franklin  9 

confident  of  being  able  to  ascertain  through  some 
of  his  friends  in  the  Academy,  and  he  very  kindly 
volunteered  to  look  into  the  matter  at  once. 

Weeks  and  months  rolled  on,  but  I  heard  nothing 
further  of  the  manuscript. 

When  about  leaving  for  England  on  my  way  to 
the  United  States  in  the  winter  of  1866-7,  and  after 
sending  my  family  and  personal  baggage  to  the  rail 
way  station,  I  set  out  in  a  cab  to  make  two  or  three 
farewell  calls  upon  some  friends  whose  residences 
were  not  much  off  of  my  route  to  the  station.  Among 
them  was  M.  Laboulaye.  During  our  half -hour's 
interview  I  asked  him  if  he  had  ever  thought  to 
make  any  inquiries  about  the  autobiography.  He 
replied  that  he  had,  but  that  his  friend,  upon  whom 
he  specially  relied,  had  not  been  able  to  throw  any 
light  upon  the  subject.  He  added,  however,  that 
he  meant  to  institute  some  further  inquiries  among 
his  associates  of  the  Academy,  and  if,  as  certainly 
seemed  probable,  it  was  in  France,  he  said  he  did  not 
despair  of  finding  it.  I  thanked  him,  gave  him  my 
address  in  London  and  in  New  York,  and  went  on 
my  way. 

I  had  spent  nearly  a  month  in  London,  had  ar 
ranged  to  sail  in  a  few  days  for  the  United  States, 
and  had  nearly  abandoned  all  expectation  of  hearing 
any  thing  of  the  autobiography,  when  on  the  igih 
of  January  a  letter  from  M.  Laboulaye  was  handed 
me  by  the  postman,  which  informed  me  not  only 
that  the  habitat  of  the  manuscript  had  been  dis 
covered,  but  that  it,  with  several  other  precious 
relics  of  our  illustrious  countryman,  could  be  bought 


io  Autobiography  of 

for  a  price;  a  large  price,  it  is  true,  but  a  price  which 
did  not  seem  to  me  beyond  their  value  to  an  Amer 
ican.  M.  Laboulaye's  letter  ran  as  follows: 

12  Janvier,  1867,  34  RUE  TAITBOUT. 

CHER  MONSIEUR  BIGELOW: 

Eureka!  J'ai  trouve,  grace  a  un  ami,  le  manuscrit  de 
Franklin  et  son  possesseur. 

M.  de  Senarmont,  heritier  de  la  famille  Le  Veillard,  et 
qui  demeure  a  Paris,  rue  de  Varennes,  No.  98,  nous  ecrit 
qu'il  possede: 

1.  La  MS.  original  autograph  complet  (?)  des  me" moires 
de  Franklin. 

2.  Une  collection  considerable  de  lettres  de  Franklin, 
formant  un  ensemble  de  correspondance. 

3.  Un  portrait  en  pastel  de  Franklin,  donne  par  lui  a 
M.  Le  Veillard. 

Et  il  demande  de  tout  la  somme  de  vingt-cinq  mille 
francs.  Vous  voici  sur  la  voie.  C'est  a  vous  main  tenant 
a  faire  ce  qui  vous  conviendra.  Adieu!  Recevez  encore 
tous  mes  voeux  pour  votre  bonheur  en  ce  monde  et  dans 
Vautre  (je  parle  du  Nouveau  Monde) .  Votre  bien  deVoue, 

ED.  LABOULAYE. 

The  next  mail  took  from  me  a  letter  to  my  cher 
ished  friend,  the  late  William  H.  Huntington,  in 
Paris,  enclosing  Laboulaye's  note,  asking  him  to  go 
to  No.  98  Rue  de  Varennes,  and  examine  the  articles 
referred  to,  and,  if  satisfied  of  their  genuineness,  I 
authorized  him  to  offer  fifteen  thousand  francs  for 
them.  In  two  or  three  days  I  received  from  him 
the  following  most  characteristic  letter: 


Benjamin  Franklin  n 

(High  private  and  fiducial) 

22  Janvier,  '67. 

DEAR  MR.  BIGELOW: 

Yours  of  no  date  whatever  reached  me  Saturday,  and 
that  of  Mr.  Laboulaye,1  the  same  afternoon.  M.  L.  knows 
nothing  more  of  the  MSS.  and  portrait  than  what  he  wrote 
you;  gave  me  letter  of  presentation  to  M.  Senarmont, 
whom  he  does  not  know,  in  the  which  he  mentioned  your 
name  with  full  titles,  and  addressed  it  78  Rue  de  Verneuil. 

It  was  late  to  go  there  that  day.  A  "  glance  at  the 
map"  will  show  you  that  it  is  the  j-  St.  Germain,  and  so 
I  did  not  go  Sunday. 

Fytte  Second 

After  breakfast  and  " girding  myself  up" — how  much 
easier  one  feels  after  it, — I  took  the  letter  in  my  hand  on 
this  blessed  day,  and  got  myself  up  in  the  highest  number 
in  the  Rue  de  Verneuil,  which  I  found,  like  Franklin's 
Memoirs,  broken  off  some  time  before  78.  Whereupon 
"  I  fetched  a  compass,"  as  St.  Paul  would  say,  and  ran  for 
Rue  de  Varennes,  where  I  presently  made  No.  98,  and 
hailing  the  concierge,  found  I  had  reached  port  this  time. 
O  such  a  concierge — both  he  and  his  female!  reputable, 
civil,  in  a  comfortable  room.  While  getting  up  a  broad 
clean  staircase,  did  hear  bell  ringing  in  the  court.  By  the 
time  I  reached  the  door  au  2 me,  a  gentle  domestic  was 
already  there — The  dining-room  was  thoroughly  warmed : 
—through  the  open  door,  into  the  salon;  a  carpet  con 
tinuous  with  the  parquet,  and  comfortable  chairs,  and 
other  quietly,  not  newly  rich  furnishing,  and  still  another 
fire,  offered  so  many  peaceful  indications  that  here  was 
not  a  shop  to  buy  things  cheap  in.  M.  de  S.  presently 

1  A  letter  of  introduction  to  M.  Laboulaye,  which  I  had  sent  him  by 
a  subsequent  post. 


12  Autobiography  or 

appeared  from  up-stairs  (occupy  two  floors,  then !) .  Hand 
some  (not  pretty),  33^37  years  of  age,  courteous,  shrewd 
I  guess,  but  really  a  gentleman.  He  said  that  the  MSS. 
were: 

I.  The  original  Autobiography,  with  interlinings,  eras 
ures,  etc.,  from  which  the  copy  was  made  that  was  sent  to 
W.  T.  Franklin,  and  the  first  French  translation :  It  is  in 
folio,  bound,  complete. 

II.  Letters,  mostly,  he  thinks,  to  M.  Veillard,  not  relating 
to  politics,  at  least  not  specially  political — friendly  letters, 
—and  not,  he  thinks,  ever  communicated  to  Mr.  Sparks  or 
other  book-making  person.     The  portrait  is  by  Duplessis, 
and,  according  to  "  a  tradition  in  the  family,"  the  original, 
not  the  replica:  it  was  given  by  B.  F.  to  M.  Veillard. 

He  had  neither  MSS.  nor  portrait  in  the  house ;  they  are 
at  his  cousin's  (who  is,  as  I  understand,  part  owner  of 
them).  On  Wednesday  I  am  to  go  to  No.  98  Rue  de  V. 
again,  when  he  will  have  them  there  or  will  accompany  me 
to  his  cousin  to  see  them.  He  did  reside  formerly  in 
Amiens,  where  he  or  his  father  had  these  things.  An 
American,  he  thinks,  did  come  some  years  ago  to  see  the 
portrait  there ;  name  of  that  stranger  unknown ;  also  his 
quality,  whether  merely  an  inquisitive  or  an  acquisitive 
traveller ;  is  ready  but  not  eager  to  sell  (if  he  knows  him 
self)  at  25,000  francs  the  lot;  does  not  want  to  sell  any 
one  of  the  three  articles  separately.  Does  not  know  that 
they  are  mercantilely  worth  25,000  francs,  but  intimates 
that  he  shall  run  the  risk  of  waiting  for  or  provoking  the 
chance  of  that  price  being  given.  Has  been  applied  to 
by  a  photographer  (this  some  time  ago)  to  photograph 
the  portrait :  declined  proposition  at  the  time,  but  now 
conceives  that  it  might  gratify  curiosity  of  Americans 
coming  to  Exposition  next  May  to  see  copies  of  it,  or  the 
original  hung  up  there  I 


Benjamin  Franklin  13 

I  fancy  that  this  Universal  French-Exposition  idea 
stands  more  in  the  way  of  reducing  the  price  than  any 
thing  else. 

I  write  you  all  these  things  so  that,  if  you  see  fit,  you 
can  let  me  know  before  Wednesday  noon  whether  15,000 
francs  is  your  last  price.  Please  write  me  by  mail  any 
suggestions  or  directions  you  will:  also  how,  in  case  he 
does  yield  to  the  charm  of  15,000  down,  and  I  can  get 
the  MSS.  and  portrait  in  time,  I  am  to  send  them  to  you. 
Suppose  M.  de  S.  yields  on  Wednesday  the  23d,  I  get  your 
money  Saturday  the  26th,  and  the  articles  that  night.  I 
express  them  Sunday  morning  the  27th.  And  seeing  we 
are  in  France,  that  is  the  quickest  time  we  could  hope  to 
make.  I  must  hurry  now  to  catch  the  mail.  Yours  truly, 

W.  H.  HUNTINGTON. 

On  the  24th  of  January  I  received  a  second  letter 
from  Huntington,  giving  the  results  of  his  first  view 
of  what  he  terms  the  *  Franklinienacs. ' 

PARIS  (8  Rue  de  Boursault),  23  January,  1867. 

DEAR  MR.  BIGELOW: 

I  have  seen  the  Frankliniseries  (say  Franklinienacs). 
The  autobiography  is  writ  on  large  foolscap,  bound  very 
simply,  but  without  the  slightest  lesion  of  the  pages. 
This  is  undoubtedly  the  original  manuscript,  with  inter 
lining,  erasures,  marginal  notes,  and  blots  (of  which  one 
smasher,  that  was  smatched  thin  nearly  over  one  whole 
page)  of  B.  F.  of  the  period.  It  is  complete  in  both  parts. 
The  French  publication  of  1791  stops  with  the  first  part, 
you  recollect — and  more  complete  than  the  "  clean  copy," 
from  which  W.  T.  Franklin  printed  the  two  parts :  i.  e. 
it  has  several  more  pages  after  the  arrival  in  London  in 
1757,  where  W.  T.  F.'s  print  stops.  I  should  think  there 
are  other  passages  in  this  MS.  omitted  by  W.  T.  F.  or  by 


14  Autobiography  of 

the  writer  of  the  clean  copy.  The  MS.  closes  with  these 
words:  "They  were  never  put  in  execution." 

Of  the  letters  only  two  or  three  are  from  B.  F. — one 
dated  Philadelphia,  1787,  another,  ditto,  1788,  16  or  14 
are  from  W.  Temple  Franklin,  2  from  Sarah  Bache,  2 
from  B.  F.  Bache:  all  addressed  to  M.  Veillard.  I  judge, 
from  what  M.  Paul  de  Senarmont  said,  that  they  do  not 
relate  to  political  subjects.  I  had  not  time  to  read  any 
of  them,  having  to  go  to  M.  George  de  Senarmont,  the 
cousin,  to  see  the  portrait. 

It  is  nearly  a  half-length,  life-size  pastel,  perfectly  well 
preserved,  under  glass,  not  a  franc  of  additional  value 
from  the  frame.  It  is  not  signed.  A  labelled  black  and 
gilt  statement,  which  is  undoubtedly  true,  is  attached  to 
the  bottom  of  the  frame,  and  reads  nearly  as  follows: 
"Portrait  de  Benjamin  Franklin,  age  77,  donne  par  lui 
meme  a  M.  Veillard.  Peint  par  J.  S.  Duplessis,  1783." 
I  have  no  doubt  of  the  genuineness  of  the  portrait.  M.  S. 
says  that  the  family  tradition  is  that  this  was  the  original, 
and  the  other  one,  which  was  in  possession  of  W.  T. 
Franklin  ( ?) ,  the  replica.  Duplessis  had  a  good  reputation 
as  a  portrait  painter.  The  Biographie  Nouvelle  cites, 
among  twelve  of  his  most  esteemed  portraits,  one  of 
Franklin  in  the  "Galerie  Pamard  a  Avignon."  The  one 
that  Mr.  Edward  Brooks  bought  of  J.  de  Mancy,  or  his 
heirs,  a  few  years  ago,  was  claimed  to  be  by  Duplessis. 
That  was  in  oils — it  was  offered  to  me  by  old  de  Mancy,  in 
1852,  for  2,000  francs.  There  was  a  break  in  his  history 
of  it,  that  led  me  to  suspect  that  it  might  be  a  copy. 

M.  de  Senarmont  holds  firmly  to  the  fixed  price  of 
25,000  francs :  agrees  that  it  may  be  an  extravagant  one, 
but  will  not  set  any  other  till  after  the  Exposition.  He 
means  to  advertise  Americans  here  of  the  manuscripts 
and  portrait,  and  where  they  may  be  seen — depositing 


Benjamin  Franklin  15 

them  for  that  end  with  some  bookseller  or  other  party. 
Meantime  he  is  quite  willing  to  keep  my  address,  and  in 
case  he  does  not  sell  at  Exposition  season,  to  talk  further 
about  the  matter.  The  manuscripts  and  portrait  are,  as 
I  understand  him,  an  undivided  family  property. 

Immediately  upon  the  receipt  of  the  foregoing  I 
sent  Mr.  Huntington  a  check  on  John  Munroe  &  Co., 
in  Paris,  for  25,000  francs,  and  told  him  to  buy  the 
collection  on  as  favorable  terms  as  possible,  but  not 
to  leave  without  it,  and  when  bought,  to  forward  by 
the  first  conveyance  to  London,  that  it  might  be 
sure  to  reach  me  before  I  sailed. 

To  this  I  received,  on  the  28th,  the  following 
letter: 

PARIS  (8  Rue  de  Boursault),  January  27,  1867. 

EVER  HONORED: 

My  passage  out  from  apartment  in  search  of  breakfast 
this  morning  was  obstructed  by  the  concierge  handing 
your  letter  of  24th.  Yours  of  22d,  leaving  all  to  my  dis 
cretion,  I  thought  it  discreetest  not  to  spend  so  large  a 
sum  as  25  m.  frs.  without  positive  orders.  These  last 
instructions  being  decisive,  I  gat  myself; 

Onely,  to  Munroe  &  Co.'s,  where  I  showed  Mr.  Richards 
(who  had  his  hat  on)  your  enabling  act  to  them  for  my 
drawing  of  Pactolian  draughts  to  the  amount  of  25  m.  frs. 

2ly,  to  Legoupy,  a  printseller  of  my  acquaintance,  on 
Blvd.  de  la  Madeleine,  to  ask  how  best  the  portrait  of 
B.  F.  could  be  safely  packed,  with  or  without  the  glass. 
"With,"  quoth  he  decidedly.  Then  I  asked  if  he  would 
charge  himself  with  the  packing,  he  being  much  in  the 
way  of  sending  large  framed  and  glazed  engravings  out  of 
the  city ;  and  he  said  he  would. 

Threely,  to  the  S.  E.  R.  way  and  package  and  express 


1 6  Autobiography  of 

office,  to  ask  at  what  latest  minute  they  would  receive 
and  forward  packages  to  London,  which  proved  to  be  5 
o'clock  P.M. 

Four  mostly  to  breakfast.  Presently  after  that  refec 
tion  I  girded  up  my  loins  and  took  voiture  for  98  Rue  de 
Varennes,  where,  coming  into  the  presence  of  M.  Paul  de 
Senarmont,  I  spake,  saying:  "  I  will  take  the  Franklinea- 
ments  and  MSS.  on  these  three  conditions :  I.  That  I  take 
them  immediately;  II.  That  you  deduct  200  francs  from 
the  25,000  frs.  to  pay  my  expenses  for  going  with  them  to 
London;  III.  That  you  furnish — sending  it  to  me  here 
after  for  Mr.  Bigelow — the  history  of  the  transitions  of  the 
three  Franklinienacs  from  M.  Veillard's  to  your  hands. 

All  of  which  being  agreed  to,  I  wrote  then  and  there  an 
order,  draught,  draft,  or  whatever  the  name  of  the  paper 
may  be,  on  J.  M.  &  Co.  for  24,800  francs  in  his  favor  at 
3  days'  vision.  Then  P.  de  S.  and  the  literary  remains  of 
B.  F.,  and  self  with  cane,  being  bestowed  in  the  voiture 
(No.  of  the  same  not  preserved),  we  careered  away  to 
cousin  George  de  Senarmont's,  No.  23  Rue  de  Sevres. 
While  Paul  went  in  unto  George,  to  the  bedroom  of  him— 
for  George  was  poorly,  it  seems,  this  morning,  and  late 
abed;  leastway,  late  to  breakfast — I  ventured  to  relieve 
B.  F.  from  the  state  of  suspense  he  was  in  on  the  wall  of 
the  salon,  screwed  out  of  his  frame  the  iron  ring,  and,  in  the 
distraction  of  the  moment,  gave  it  to  Cousin  George's 
housekeeper.  That  was  what  B.  F.  calls  an  erratum,  for 
I  have  often  use  for  that  sort  of  screw — which  the  house 
keeper,  let  us  hope,  could  not  care  for.  Repacking,  now, 
Paul  de  S.,  the  MSS.,  umbrella,  cane,  and  B.  F.  his 
eidolon,  which  I  sustained  ever  with  one  hand,  into  the 
carriage,  I  bade  cocher  drive  to  7  Rue  Scribe,  where  I 
presented  M.  P.  de  S.  to  Mr.  J.  Munroe,  to  whom  I  com 
mitted  your  enabling  note  and  identified  Paul.  Then  P. 


Benjamin  Franklin  17 

de  S.  wished  good  voyage  to  London,  and  the  cocher  asked, 
as  I  was  delicately  handling  B.  F.'s  portrait,  if  that  was 
the  Franklin  who  perished  in  the  Northern  Seas.  Queer 
but  disappointing.  Cocher  evidently  took  a  lively  inter 
est  in  the  frozen  party,  and  but  a  cold,  indifferent  one 
in  the  to  him  unheard-of  philosopher.  Now  straight  to 
Legoupy's  whose  packer  declared  he  could  have  all  ready 
by  4  o'clock.  I  did  not  believe  him,  but  by  way  of  en 
couragement  pretended  to,  and  held  out  to  him  as  reward, 
in  case  of  success,  that  I  would  gladly  contribute  some 
thing  to  the  Washington  Monument,  which,  let  us  hope, 
will  never  be  completed. 

There  was  time  enough  between  this  and  five  o'clock  to 
go  to  the  Legation,  but  small  chance  of  finding  Mr.  Dix 
there.  So  I  went  to  the  consulate  and  offered  David  l  to 
pay  his  passage  and  expenses  if  he  would  go  with  B.  F. 
to  London  to-night.  David  would  gladly  but  could  not ; 
had  infrangible  pre-engagements  for  this  evening;  I  al 
most  found,  but  missed  another  man,  who  would,  it  was 
thought,  take  charge  of  the  box  and  surely  deliver  it 
Sunday,  for  50  francs.  During  these  entrefaites,  four 
o'clock  sounded.  At  J  past,  the  caisse  was  on  the  back 
of  Legoupy's  boy  following  your  servant  up  the  Boule 
vard.  The  very  best  I  could  do  at  the  R.  and  express 
office  was  to  obtain  the  most  positive  assurance,  that  a 
special  messenger  should  take  the  box  from  Cannon  Street 
to  Cleveland  Square  2  before  noon  on  Monday.  There  is 
no  delivery  at  any  price  on  Sunday.  I  was  on  the  point 
of  deciding — what  I  had  been  debating  ever  since  morning 
—to  take  a  go  and  return  ticket  and  carry  box  and  bag 
gage  to  London  myself.  But  you  know  how  I  hate 

1  The  trusty  messenger  at  the  Consulate  and  now  the  Dean  of  the 
representatives  of  the  U.  S.  in  foreign  parts. 

2  Where  I  was  staying  with  some  friends. 


1 8  Autobiography  of 

travelling  at  all  times.  On  leaving  the  express  office,  I 
passed  a  brief  telegrammatic  sentence  to  your  address, 
through  the  window  of  Grand  Hotel  T.  bureau.  The 
gentleman  who  counted  its  letters  estimated  them  at  6 
francs,  which  is  more,  proportionately,  than  what  you 
paid  for  B.  F.'s  MSS.  and  flattering  to  me.  If  I  am  ever 
able,  I  shall  set  up  a  telegraph  wire,  and  dance  on  to 
fortune. 

Although  my  way  along  the  quais  and  other  marts 
where  books  do  congregate,  are  not  as  they  were  when  you 
were  my  fellow  pilgrim,  yet  are  they  still  not  all  without 
pleasantness.  Thus,  coming  away  from  my  annual  visit 
to  the  neuvaine  fete  of  St.  Genevieve  three  weeks  ago,  I 
fell  upon  the  rummest  bronze  medallion  of  B.  Franklin 
(hitherto  quite  unheard  of  by  this  subscriber)  that  ever 
you  could  conceive  of.  And  yet  another  day,  one  of  those 
days  lapsed  last  week  from  the  polar  circles  into  the  more 
temperate  society  of  our  Paris  time,  I  clutched  with  numb 
fingers  a  diminutive  little  4to  of  pp.  48  with  this  title :  "  La 
Science  du  Bonhomme  Richard,  par  M.  Franklin:  suivie  des 
commandements  de  VHonnete  Homme,  par  M.  Fintry—prioo 
quatre  sols.  Se  vend  a  Paris,  chez  Renault,  Libraire,  Rue  de 
la  Harpe. — 1778."  So,  another  day,  was  all  my  home 
ward  walk  a  path  of  exceeding  peace  by  reason  of  the 
primary,  pre-adamite,  genuine,  juvenile,  original  Eloge  de 
Franklin  hugged  under  my  arm,  like  healing  in  the  wing. 
But  the  half  of  the  enjoyment  of  these  good  gifts  of 
fortune  fails  me,  in  that  I  have  now  no  one  to  congratulate 
me  or  hate  me  for  their  acquisition. 

M.  de  Senarmont  promises  me  a  letter  giving  the  his- 
torique  of  the  triad  of  Franklin  treasures,  from  the  time 
of  M.  de  Veillard  to  his  possession  of  them.  It  will  not 
amount  to  much — not  from  lack  of  willingness  on  his  part, 
but  because  the  special  sense  in  the  case  is  wanting  in  him. 


Benjamin  Franklin  19 

A  dry,  authenticating  certificate,  however,  I  will  insist  on 
having,  and  will  forward  it  to  your  American  address, 
which  do  not  forget  to  advertise  me  of  from  Liverpool  or 
London.  M.  de  S.  asks  me  to  ask  you,  if  you  have  the 
Duplessis  photographed,  to  send  him  two  or  three  cards ; 
please  add  one  other  or  two  for  me,  since  you  will  be  apt 
to  send  them  to  my  address.  I  shall  be  glad  to  have  word 
from  you,  though  in  your  flitting  hurry  it  must  be  brief, 
from  London,  and  much  gladder  to  have  news  from 
America  that  you  and  yours  are  all  safely  and  soundly 
arrived  there. 

With  best  regards  and  good  wishes  to  all  your  house,  I 
rest  Yours  truly, 

W.  H.  HUNTINGTON. 

Here  followeth  an  account  of  ye  expenditures,  outlays, 
and  disbursements  of  ye  FRANKLIN  EXPEDITION. 

FRANCS 

To  a  chariot  and  ye  horseman  thereof.  Hire  of  the 
vehicle  and  pourboire,  as  it  were  oats  to  the  driver 
for  the  greater  speed  ......  5 

To  packing  B.  Franklin  under  glass  and  in  MSS.  with 

extra  haste  and  yet  care 9 

To  the  binding  of  B.  F.  on  a  boy  his  back  and  porterage 

of  the  same i 

To  studiously  brief  telegrammatic  phrase  sent  to 

London  6 

To  arduous  sperrits  (with  water)  taken  for  sustentation 

of  the  body  thys  day 0.50 

Condamned  tottle   .         .         .         .21.50 

On  the  day  following  the  receipt  of  the  foregoing 
note  I  received  the  following  certificate  of  authen 
tication  from  M.  de  Senarmont: 


20  Autobiography  of 

PARIS,  27  Janvier,  1867. 

MONSIEUR: 

J'ai  Thonneur  de  vous  rernettre  ci-contre  une  note  de 
tous  les  renseignements  que  j'ai  pu  recueillir  sur  le  manu- 
scrit  de  Franklin  dont  M.  Himtington  s'est  rendu  hier 
acquerir  en  votre  nom. 

Je  suis  heureux  de  vous  voir  possesseur  de  ces  precieux 
souvenirs,  et  du  beau  portrait  du  fondateur  de  la  liberte  de 
votre  patrie. 

La  rapidite  avec  laquelle  j'ai  ete  oblige  de  remettre  le 
portrait  a  M.  Huntington  m'a  empeche  de  le  faire  repro- 
duire  par  la  photographic  comrne  j'en  avais  1'intention. 
Dans  le  cas  ou  vous  ferez  faire  cette  reproduction  je  vous 
serais  bien  reconnaissant  de  vouloir  bien  m'en  envoy er 
trois  exemplaires. — J'ai  1'honneur  de  vous  temoigner, 
Monsieur,  1'expression  de  ma  plus  haute  consideration. 

P.  DE  SENARMONT. 

98  Rue  de  Varennes. 


MONSIEUR  JOHN  BIGELOW, 

Ancien  Ministre  des  Etats-Unis. 

Les  manuscrits  de  memoires  de  Franklin  est  un  in-folio 
de  220  pages  ecrit  a  uni-marge,  sur  papier  dont  tous  les 
cahiers  ne  sont  pas  uniformes. 

M.  le  Veillard,  gentilhomme  ordinaire  du  Roi,  Maire  de 
Passy,  etait  intime  ami  du  Docteur  Franklin.  II  avait 
ve"cu  avec  lui  a  Passy  (pres  Paris)  dans  une  societe  de  tous 
les  jours,  pendant  le  temps  de  Franklin  en  France  a 
l'e*poque  de  la  guerre  de  1'independance  americaine,  et 
c'est  de  sa  patrie  que  le  docteur  lui  envoya,  comme  gage 
d'amitie,  la  copie  de  ses  me"  moires  echange  depuis  centre 
Voriginal. 

Le  manuscrit  original  est  unique. 

M.  William  Temple  Franklin,  petit-fils  de   Benjamin 


Benjamin  Franklin  21 

Franklin,  1'a  recueilli  au  deces  de  son  aieul  qui  lui  avait 
legue  tons  ses  Merits.  Lorsque  M.  Temple  vient  en  France 
pour  y  faire  1' edition  qu'il  a  publie,  il  demanda  a  M.  le 
Veillard  sa  copie  pour  la  faire  imprimer,  parcequ'elle  lui 
parut  plus  commode  pour  le  travail  typographique,  a 
cause  de  sa  nettete.  II  donna  a  M.  Veillard  en  echange 
de  sa  copie  le  manuscrit  original  entierement  ecrit  de  la 
main  de  Franklin. 

L' original  etait  cependant  plus  complet  que  la  copie,  ce 
que  M.  Temple  n' avait  pas  verifie.  On  en  trouve  la 
preuve  au  2e  volume  de  la  petite  edition  des  Memoires  en  2 
volumes,  en  i8mo,  donnee  par  Jules  Renouard,  a  Paris, 
en  1828.  On  y  lit,  en  tete  d'une  suite  qu'il  fait  paraitre 
pour  la  premiere  fois,  une  note  (page  21),  ou  il  declare 
devoir  cette  suite  a  la  communication  que  la  famille  Le 
Veillard  lui  a  donne  du  manuscrit. 

L'inspection  seule  en  demontre  1' authenticate  a  1'appui 
de  laquelle  viennent  d'ailleurs  des  preuves  positives  tirees 
de  differ entes  pieces ;  telles  que :  3  lettres  du  Dr.  Franklin 
a,  M.  le  Veillard,  n  lettres  de  M.  William  Temple  Frank 
lin  et  diverses  lettres  de  Benjamin  Franklin  Bache,  de 
Sarah  Bache,  sa  femme,  d'un  libraire  qui  voulait  acquerir 
le  manuscrit  de  M.  le  Veillard  en  1791,  etc. 

M.  le  Veillard,  qui  est  1'auteur  de  la  traduction  fran- 
c.aise  des  Memoires  de  Franklin,  a  conserve  le  manuscrit 
autographe  avec  le  meme  sentiment  qui  determine  son 
ami  a  lui  envoyer  ses  memoir es  encore  inedits. 

Apres  la  mort  de  M.  le  Veillard,  qui  perit  sur  1'echafaud 
revolutionnaire  en  1794,  le  manuscrit  a  passe  a  sa  fille: 
an  deces  de  celle-ci,  en  1834,  il  est  devenu  la  propriete  de 
son  cousin  M.  de  Senarmont,  dont  le  petit-fils  a  cede  le 
26  Janvier,  1867,  a  Mr.  John  Bigelow,  ancien  Ministre  des 
Etats-Unis  a  Paris. 

Le  manuscrit  est  accompagne  d'un  beau  portrait  au 


22  Autobiography  of 

pastel  par  Duplessis.  Franklin  avait  pose*  pour  ce  portrait 
pendant  son  sejour  a  Passy  et  en  avait  fait  cadeau  a  M.  le 
Veillard. 

P.  DE  SENARMONT. 

PARIS,  le  26  Janvier,  1867. 

Early  on  Monday  the  28th  of  January,  I  drove  to 
Charing  Cross  Station,  where  I  expected  to  find  the 
precious  and  costly  parcel  of  which  Huntington  had 
advised  me  the  consignment.  There  I  was  told  that 
the  Continental  parcels  were  usually  delivered  at 
the  Cannon  Street  Station.  To  the  Cannon  Street 
Station  I  then  made  my  way  as  fast  as  I  could  be 
transported,  but  was  greatly  vexed  to  be  told  on 
arriving  there  that  nothing  had  been  heard  of  my 
parcel.  While  leaving  the  station,  uncertain  what 
to  do  next,  but  feeling  certain  that  something  needed 
to  be  done  and  at  once,  it  occurred  to  me  that  the 
person  to  whom  the  parcel  had  been  entrusted  in 
Paris  had  assured  Mr.  Huntington  that  it  should  be 
sent  from  Cannon  Street  directly  upon  its  arrival,  to 
Cleveland  Square.  I  immediately  returned  to  the 
station,  repeated  the  paragraph  to  this  effect  in 
Huntington's  letter  to  the  person  in  charge,  and  in 
sisted  that  the  parcel  must  be  there.  He  asked  what 
it  consisted  of.  I  told  him  generally.  'Ah!'  said 
he,  'there  is  a  portrait  here,  but  it  is  consigned  to 
one  of  our  clerks  who  is  away  at  this  moment  and 
not  expected  back  until  four  o'clock.'  He  then 
showed  me  a  bill  of  lading  for  a  portrait.  I  felt 
greatly  relieved  and  now  at  liberty  to  be  indignant 
that  I  should  have  been  compelled  to  wait  for  a 
parcel  booked  at  Paris  at  5  P.M.  on  Saturday,  until 


Benjamin  Franklin  23 

4  P.M.  of  the  following  Monday.  I  disregarded  the 
assurances  that  were  now  showered  upon  me  that 
the  parcel  should  be  promptly  sent  to  me  on  the 
clerk's  return.  I  said  I  would  wait  till  the  hour  ap 
pointed,  to  insure  the  minimum  of  risk  of  further 
delays  and  anxiety. 

While  loitering  about  the  station  a  man  in  rail 
way  uniform  approached  and  requested  me  to  call 
again  at  the  office.  There  I  was  informed  that  the 
parcel  had  just  come  in.  Where  precisely  the  lying 
began  and  where  it  ended  I  never  knew  nor  cared  to 
inquire,  so  absorbed  was  I  in  getting  the  treasure 
into  my  possession.  I  immediately  took  it,  heavy 
as  it  was ;  put  it  into  the  cab  myself — I  would  allow 
no  one  else  to  touch  it, — and  drove  off  triumphantly 
to  Cleveland  Square. 

Several  months  elapsed  after  my  return  to  the 
United  States  before  a  propitious  occasion  presented 
itself  for  me  to  verify  the  correctness  of  the  state 
ment  in  M.  de  Senarmont's  note,  that  my  manu 
script  was  more  complete  than  the  copy  which  had 
been  used  in  preparing  the  edition  published  by 
William  Temple  Franklin  and  copied  by  Dr.  Sparks. 
It  had  not  occurred  to  me  that  the  text  had  been 
tampered  with  in  England  after  it  had  left  the 
writer's  hand.  A  very  cursory  examination  of  it, 
however,  awakened  my  suspicions,  and  I  availed 
myself  of  my  earliest  leisure  to  subject  the  Memoirs 
to  a  careful  collation  with  the  edition  which  ap 
peared  in  London  in  1817,  and  which  was  the  first 
and  only  edition  that  ever  purported  to  have  been 
printed  from  the  manuscript.  The  results  of  this 


24  Autobiography  of 

collation  revealed  the  curious  fact  that  more  than 
twelve  hundred  separate  and  distinct  changes  had 
been  made  in  the  text,  and,  what  is  more  remarkable, 
that  the  last  eight  pages  of  the  manuscript  were 
omitted  entirely. 

Many  of  these  changes  are  mere  modernizations 
of  style;  such  as  would  measure  some  of  the  modi 
fications  which  English  prose  had  undergone  be 
tween  the  days  of  Goldsmith  and  Southey.  Some, 
Franklin  might  have  approved  of;  others  he  might 
have  tolerated;  but  it  is  safe  to  presume  that  very 
many  he  would  have  rejected  without  ceremony. 

I  immediately  prepared  a  correct  edition  of  the 
autobiography  for  the  press,  and  it  was  published  by 
Messrs.  J.  B.  Lippincott  &  Co.,  of  Philadelphia,  in 
1867,  when  this  autobiography,  after  an  interval  of 
more  than  seventy  years  since  its  author's  death, 
was  for  the  first  time  given  to  the  public  as  it  was 
written.  It  is  with  the  assent  and  by  the  courtesy 
of  the  Messrs.  Lippincott  &  Co.  that  we  are  now  per 
mitted  to  reproduce  in  this  collection  the  only  correct 
version  of,  with  a  single  exception,  the  most  widely 
popular  production  of  Franklin's  genius.1 

1  In  an  auction-sale  catalogue  of  Stevens1 s  Historical  Collections, 
printed  in  1881,  Stevens  thus  refers  to  his  unsuccessful  effort  to  acquire 
this  manuscript : 

"That  his  old  friend  might  possess  a  substantial  memorial  of  Frank 
lin,  the  grandson  left  the  original  draft  with  the  Veillard  family.  The 
writer  saw  it  in  1852  at  Amiens  in  the  possession  of  M.  de  Senarmont, 
a  relative  by  marriage  of  M.  le  Veillard,  who  had  been  beheaded  in  1 794. 
He  spent  two  days  with  that  amiable  gentleman  and  his  family,  and 
was  permitted  to  collate  the  autograph  with  Temple  Franklin's  printed 
text  of  the  autobiography.  The  manuscript  was  then  the  undivided 
property  of  three  persons.  They  were  all  there,  but  on  consultation 
were  not  willing  to  sell  unless  they  could  obtain  a  sum  worth  dividing. 


Benjamin  Franklin  25 

The  following  translation  of  a  letter  from  William 
Temple  Franklin  to  M.  le  Veillard,  written  a  few 
days  after  his  grandfather's  death,  will  conclude  all 
that  need  be  recited  here  of  the  history  of  this  famous 
manuscript : x 

"PHILADELPHIA,  22  May,  1790. 

You  have  already  learned,  my  dear  friend,  the  loss 
which  you  and  I,  and  the  world,  have  experienced,  in  the 
death  of  this  good  and  amiable  papa.  Although  we  have 
long  expected  it,  we  were  none  the  less  shocked  by  it  when 
it  arrived.  He  loved  you  very  tenderly,  as  he  did  all  your 
family,  and  I  do  not  doubt  you  will  share  my  just  sorrow. 
I  intended  writing  you  the  details  of  his  death  by  M.  de 
Chaumont,  but  the  duty  of  arranging  his  affairs,  and  es 
pecially  his  papers,  prevents  my  answering  your  last,  as 
well  as  the  one  which  your  daughter  was  pleased  to  write 
me,  accompanying  her  work.  I  have  been  touched  with 
this  mark  of  her  condescension  and  friendship,  and  I  beg 
you  to  testify  to  her  my  gratitude  until  I  have  an  oppor 
tunity  of  writing  to  her,  which  will  certainly  be  by  the  first 
occasion  for  France.  Now,  as  I  am  about  writing,  her 
goodness  will  awaken  me.  This  letter  will  reach  you  by 
way  of  England. 

I  feel  it  my  duty  to  profit  by  this  occasion  to  inform 
you  that  my  grandfather,  among  other  legacies,  has  left  all 

A  small  price,  therefore,  was  no  temptation.  They  did  not  then  care 
to  dispose  of  the  other  autograph  papers  or  the  portrait  by  Duplessis. 
The  writer  left  a  standing  offer  of  £200  for  it ;  they  wanting  £600.  As 
it  was  not  an  unpublished  paper,  the  purchase  was  not  completed, 
though  considerable  friendly  correspondence  followed." 

1  For  further  details  the  reader  is  referred  to  The  Life  of  Benjamin 
Franklin,  written  by  himself,  now  first  edited,  from  original  manuscripts 
and  from,  his  printed  correspondence  and  other  writings,  by  John  Bigelow, 
second  edition,  Philadelphia,  J.  B.  Lippincott  &  Co.,  1884;  Dr. 
Samuel  A.  Green's  Story  of  a  Famous  Book,  Boston,  1874;  and  The  Lost 
Papers  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  Penn.  Monthly  for  May,  1882- 


26  Autobiography  of 

his  papers  and  manuscripts  to  me,  with  permission  to  turn 
them  to  what  profit  I  can.  Consequently,  I  beg  you,  my 
dear  friend,  to  show  to  no  one  that  part  of  his  Life  which 
he  sent  you  some  time  since,  lest  some  one  copy  and 
publish  it,  which  would  infinitely  prejudice  the  publica 
tion,  which  I  propose  to  make  as  soon  as  possible,  of 
his  entire  Life  and  of  his  other  works.  As  I  have  the 
original  here  of  the  part  which  you  have,  it  will  not  be 
necessary  for  you  to  send  it  to  me,  but  I  beg  you  at  all 
events  to  put  it  in  an  envelope,  well  sealed,  addressed 
to  me,  in  order  that  by  no  accident  it  may  get  into  other 
hands. 

If,  however,  it  should  be  necessary  to  assist  the  per 
son  who  will  pronounce  his  eulogy  at  the  Academy,  you 
may  lend  it  for  that  purpose,  with  the  stipulation  that 
no  copy  of  it  shall  be  made,  and  with  such  other  pre 
cautions  as  you  deem  necessary. 

The  editor's  only  excuse  for  laying  this  history  be 
fore  the  public  with  such  fulness,  is  his  conviction 
that  the  time  is  at  hand,  if  not  already  come,  when 
no  detail  relating  to  the  life  or  the  writings  of  Frank 
lin,  however  minute,  will  be  deemed  trivial  or  unim 
portant.  If  to  any  of  the  readers  of  these  pages  this 
excuse  shall  seem  inadequate,  the  editor  throws  him 
self  upon  his  indulgence. 

In  addition  to  the  continuation  of  the  Memoirs 
which  was  overlooked  by  William  Temple  Franklin, 
the  editor  was  so  fortunate  as  to  find  in  the  Le  Veil- 
lard  collection  a  skeleton  sketch  of  the  topics  which 
Dr.  Franklin  originally  proposed  to  treat  in  the 
autobiography.  It  was,  doubtless,  the  first  outline 
of  the  work.  It  is  written  upon  a  letter  sheet,  the 


Benjamin  Franklin  27 

first  three  pages  in  black  ink  and  in  the  hand  of  a 
copyist,  while  the  concluding  seven  lines  on  the 
fourth  page,  beginning  with  "  Hutchinson's  Let 
ters,"  are  in  red  ink,  and  in  the  hand  of  Franklin 
himself. 

A  line  is  drawn  with  a  pen  through  the  middle  of 
the  first  page  of  the  manuscript  down  to  the  words 
"Library  erected — manner  of  conducting  the  project- 
its  plan  and  utility.'"  As  these  are  the  topics  which 
conclude  the  first  part  of  the  Memoirs,  terminating 
at  page  87  of  the  manuscript,  the  line  was  probably 
drawn  by  Franklin  when  he  had  reached  that  stage 
of  his  work,  that  he  might  the  more  easily  know  with 
what  topic  to  resume  it  when  he  should  have  occasion 
to  do  so. 

We  give  this  outline  as  an  introduction  to  the 
Memoirs. 

It  will  be  found  extremely  interesting,  first,  as 
showing  how  systematically  Franklin  set  about  the 
execution  of  the  task  of  which  these  Memoirs  are  the 
result;  and,  secondly,  for  the  notions  it  gives  us  of 
the  unexecuted  portion  of  his  plan. 

The  printed  manuscript  ends  with  his  departure 
to  England  as  agent  of  the  Colony  of  Pennsylvania, 
to  settle  the  disputes .  about  the  proprietary  taxes, 
in  1757;  while  the  Outline  comes  down  to  the  con 
clusion  of  his  diplomatic  career,  of  course  embracing 
the  most  interesting  portion  of  his  life.  No  one  can 
glance  over  the  subjects  that  were  to  have  been 
treated  in  the  succeeding  pages  of  the  Memoir  with 
out  experiencing  a  new  pang  of  regret  at  their  in 
completeness 


28 


Autobiography  of 
I 


SKELETON  SKETCH  OF  THE  TOPICS  FOR  THE 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY 


\Copie  d'un  Projet  ires  Curieux  de  Benajmin  Franklin — Iere  Esquisse 
de  ses  Memoir es.  Les  additions  a  Vencre  rouge  sont  de  la  main  de 
Franklin.]  x 


My  writing.     Mrs.  Dogood's  letters. 
Brother  and  me  (his  temper  and  min 
Newspaper.     The  Prosecution  he  su 
of  Assembly.     His  manner  of  evadi 
My  attempt  to  get  employ  with  other 
frequent  pleadings  before  our  Father, 
ments  to  quit  Boston.     Manner  of  co 
ing  him  and  going  to  New  York  (re 
Pennsylvania.     The  journey,  and  it 
The  road.     Meet  with  Dr.  Brown. 
At  Burlington.     The  Good  Woman. 
Philadelphia.     First  Meal  and  first  SI 
Lodging.     First    acquaintance    with 
Ralph.     With  Keimer.     Their  char, 
Governor    takes    notice    of    me.     T 


Differences  arise  between  my 
their  cause  in  general.     His 
red.     My  Examination.     Vote 
it.     Whereby  I  became  free, 
rinters.     He  prevents  me.     Our 
The  final  Breach.     My  induce- 
ing  to  a  Resolution.     My  leav- 
rn  to  eating  flesh) ;    thence  to 
events  on  the  Bay,  at  Amboy. 
is  character.     His  great  work. 
On  the  River.     My  arrival  at 
p.     Money  left.     Employment, 
my    afterward    Wife.     With  J. 
ters.     Osborne.     Watson.     The 
.e    Occasion    and    Manner.     His 
return  to  Boston.     Voyage  and 


character.     Offers  to  set  me  up.     M 

accidents.  Reception.  My  Father  [dislikes  the  proposal.  I  return 
to  New  York  and  Philadelphia.  Gopernor  Burnet.  J.  Collins.  The 
Money  for  Vernon.  The  Governor's  Deceit.  Collins  not  finding  em 
ployment  goes  to  Barbados  much  ill  my  Debt.  Ralph  and  I  go  to 
England.  Disappointment  of  Governor's  Letters.  Colonel  French  his 
Friend.  Cornwallis's  Letters.  Ca 
rival  in  England.  Get  employment, 
me.  Adventures  in  England.  W 
Schemes.  Lyons.  Dr.  Pemberto 
through  Ralph.  My  Landlady. 
Gibber.  Plays.  Books  I  borrowed. 
AtWatts's.  Temperance.  Ghost. 
Men.  Persuaded  by  Mr.  Denham  t 
and  be  his  clerk.  Our  voyage  and  a 


)in.     Denham.     Hamilton.     Ar- 
Ralph  not.     He  is  an  expense  to 
Ite   a    Pamphlet    and   print    100. 
My    diligence,    and    yet    poor 
character.     Wygate.     Wilkes. 
Preachers  I  heard.     Redmayne. 
Conduct  and  Influence  among  the 
return  with  him  to  Philadelphia 
kival.     My  resolutions  in  Writing. 


1  This  memorandum,  probably  in  the  handwriting  of  M.  le  Veillard, 
immediately  precedes  the  Outline  in  the  MS.  The  line  through  the 
pages  was  doubtless  drawn  to  show  how  far  the  topics  had  been  treated 
in  the  autobiography  at  the  time  the  line  was  drawn. 


Benjamin  Franklin  29 


My  Sickness.     His  Death.     Found 
with  Keimer.     Terms.     His  ill  usa 
ing    of    Decow.     My    Friends    at 
Meredith  to  set  up  in  Partnership, 
bly.     Hamilton's     Friendship.     Se 
money.     Webb.     Writing    Busy 
Character.     Suit  against  us.     Offer 
Continue  the  Business,  and  M.  goes 
Money.     Gazette    from    Keimer. 
Library  erected.     Manner  of  cond 


.  R.  married.     Go  to  work  again 

of  me.  My  Resentment.  Say- 
urlington.  Agreement  with  H. 
Do  so.  Success  with  the  Assem- 
ell's  History.  Gazette.  Paper 
ody.  Breintnal.  Godfrey.  His 

my  Friends,  Coleman  and  Grace. 

o  Carolina.  Pamphlet  on  Paper 
unto  credit;  its  plan.  Marry. 

:ting  the  project.     Its  plan  and 


utility.  Children.  Almanac.  The  use  I  made  of  it.  Great  industry. 
Constant  study.  Father's  Remark  and  Advice  upon  Diligence.  Caro 
lina  Partnership.  Learn  French  and  German.  Journey  to  Boston 
after  ten  years.  Affection  of  my  Brother.  His  Death,  and  leaving  me 
his  Son.  Art  of  Virtue.  Occasion.  City  Watch  amended.  Post- 
office.  Spotswood.  Bradford's  Behavior.  Clerk  of  Assembly.  Lose 
one  of  my  Sons.  Project  of  subordinate  Juntos.  Write  occasionally 
in  the  papers.  Success  in  Business.  Fire  companies.  Engines.  Go 
again  to  Boston  in  1743.  See  Dr.  Spence.  Whitefield.  My  connec 
tion  with  him.  His  generosity  to  me.  My  return.  Church  Differ 
ences.  My  part  in  them.  Propose  a  College.  Not  then  prosecuted. 
Propose  and  establish  a  Philosophical  Society.  War.  Electricity. 
My  first  knowledge  of  it.  Partnership  with  D.  Hall,  etc.  Dispute  in 
Assembly  upon  Defence.  Project  for  it.  Plain  Truth.  Its  success. 
Ten  thousand  Men  raised  and  disciplined.  Lotteries.  Battery  built. 
New  Castle.  My  influence  in  the  Council.  Colors,  Devices,  and 
Mottos.  Ladies'  Military  Watch.  Quakers  chosen  of  the  Common 
Council.  Put  in  the  commission  of  the  peace.  Logan  fond  of  me.  His 
Library.  Appointed  Postmaster-General.  Chosen.  Assemblyman, 
Commissioner  to  treat  with  Indians  at  Carlisle  and  at  Easton.  Project 
and  establish  Academy.  Pamphlet  on  it.  Journey  to  Boston.  At 
Albany.  Plan  of  union  of  the  colonies.  Copy  of  it.  Remarks  upon 
it.  It  fails,  and  how.  Journey  to  Boston  in  1754.  Disputes  about 
it  in  our  Assembly.  My  part  in  them.  New  Governor.  Disputes 
with  him.  His  character  and  sayings  to  me.  Chosen  Alderman. 
Project  of  Hospital.  My  share  in  it.  Its  success.  Boxes.  Made  a 
Commissioner  of  the  Treasury.  My  commission  to  defend  the  frontier 
counties.  Raise  Men  and  build  Forts.  Militia  Law  of  my  drawing. 
Made  Colonel.  Parade  of  my  Officers.  Offence  to  Proprietor.  Assis- 
ance  to  Boston  Ambassadors.  Journey  with  Shirley,  etc.  Meet  with 
Braddock.  Assistance  to  him.  To  the  Officers  of  his  Army.  Furnish 
him  with  Forage.  His  concessions  to  me  and  character  of  me.  Suc 
cess  of  my  Electrical  Experiments.  Medal  sent  me.  Present  Royal 
Society,  and  Speech  of  President.  Denny's  Arrival  and  Courtship  to 
me.  His  character.  My  service  to  the  army  in  the  affair  of  Quarters* 


30  Autobiography  of 

Disputes  about  the  Proprietor's  Taxes  continued.  Project  for  paving 
the -City.  I  am  sent  to  England]  *  Negotiation  there.  Canada  delenda 
est.  My  pamphlet.  Its  reception  and  effect.  Projects  drawn  from  me 
concerning  the  Conquest.  Acquaintance  made  and  their  services  to  me 
— Mrs.  S.  M.  Small,  Sir  John  P.,  Mr.  Wood,  Sargent  Strahan,  and  others. 
Their  characters.  Doctorate  from  Edinburgh,  St.  Andrews.  Doctorate 
from  Oxford.  Journey  to  Scotland.  Lord  Leicester.  Mr.  Prat.  De 
Grey.  Jackson.  State  of  Affairs  in  England.  Delays.  Eventful 
Journey  into  Holland  and  Flanders.  Agency  from  Maryland.  Son's 
appointment.  My  Return.  Allowance  and  thanks.  Journey  to  Bos 
ton.  John  Penn,  Governor.  My  conduct  toward  him.  The  Paxton 
Murders.  My  Pamphlet.  Rioters  march  to  Philadelphia.  Governor 
retires  to  my  House.  My  conduct.  Sent  out  to  the  Insurgents. 
Turn  them  back.  Little  thanks.  Disputes  revived.  Resolutions 
against  continuing  under  Proprietary  Government.  Another  Pam 
phlet.  Cool  thoughts.  Sent  again  to  England  with  Petition.  Nego 
tiation  there.  Lord  H.  His  character.  Agencies  from  New  Jersey, 
Georgia,  Massachusetts.  Journey  into  Germany,  1766.  Civilities  re 
ceived  there.  Gottingen  Observations.  Ditto  into  France  in  1767. 
Ditto  in  1769.  Entertainment  there  at  the  Academy.  Introduced 
to  the  King  and  the  Mesdames,  Mad.  Victoria  and  Mrs.  Lamagnon. 
Due  de  Chaulnes,  M.  Beaumont,  Le  Roy,  D'Alibard,  Nollet.  See 
Journals.  Holland.  Reprint  my  papers  and  add  many.  Books  pre 
sented  to  me  from  many  authors.  My  Book  translated  into  French. 
Lightning  Kite.  Various  Discoveries.  My  manner  of  prosecuting 
that  Study.  King  of  Denmark  invites  me  to  dinner.  Recollect  my 
Father's  Proverb.  Stamp  Act.  My  opposition  to  it.  Recommenda 
tion  of  J.  Hughes.  Amendment  of  it.  Examination  in  Parliament. 
Reputation  it  gave  me.  Caressed  by  Ministry.  Charles  Townsend's 
Act.  Opposition  to  it.  Stoves  and  chimney-plates.  Armonica. 
Acquaintance  with  Ambassadors.  Russian  Intimation.  Writing  in 
newspapers.  Glasses  from  Germany.  Grant  of  Land  in  Nova  Scotia. 
Sickness.  Letters  to  America  returned  hither.  The  consequences. 
Insurance  Office.  My  character.  Costs  me  nothing  to  be  civil  to 
inferiors;  a  good  deal  to  be  submissive  to  superiors,  etc.,  etc.  Farce 
of  Perpetual  Motion.  Writing  for  Jersey  Assembly.2  Hutchinson's 
Letters.  Temple.  Suit  in  Chancery.  Abuse  before  the  Privy 
Council.  Lord  Hillsborough's  character  and  conduct.  Lord  Dart 
mouth.  Negotiation  to  prevent  the  War.  Return  to  America. 

1  Here  is  a  bracket  in  the  manuscript  to  show  to  what  point  the 
topics  had  been  worked  up  into  the  autobiography,  which  terminates 
at  this  point. — ED. 

2  To  this  point  the  pro  jet  is  in  a  strange  and  clerkly  hand.     The 
remainder  is  in  the  handwriting  of  Franklin. — ED. 


Benjamin  Franklin  31 

Bishop  of  St.  Asaph.  Congress.  Assembly.  Comrnittee  of  Safety. 
Che vaux-de-f rise.  Sent  to  Boston,  to  the  Camp.  To  Canada,  to  Lord 
Howe.  To  France.  Treaty,  etc. 


1706-1730 

II 

TWYFORD,  at  the  Bishop  of  St  Asaph' s*  1771. 

DEAR  SON  :  I  have  ever  had  pleasure  in  obtaining 
any  little  anecdotes  of  my  ancestors.  You  may  re 
member  the  inquiries  I  made  among  the  remains  of 
my  relations  when  you  were  with  me  in  England, 
and  the  journey  I  undertook  for  that  purpose.  |  Im 
agining  it  may  be  equally  agreeable  to  you  to  know 
the  circumstances  of  my  life,  many  of  which  you  are 
yet  unacquainted  with,  and  expecting  the  enjoyment 
of  a  week's  uninterrupted  leisure  in  my  present 
country  retirement,  I  sit  down  to  write  them  for  you.  / 
To  which  I  have  besides  some  other  inducements. 
Having  emerged  from  the  poverty  and  obscurity  in 
which  I  was  born  and  bred,  to  a  state  of  affluence 
and  some  degree  of  reputation  in  the  world,  and 
having  gone  so  far  through  life  with  a  considerable 
share  of  felicity,  the  conducing  means  I  made  use  of, 
which  with  the  blessing  of  God  so  well  succeeded,  my 
posterity  may  like  to  know,  as  they  may  find  some 
of  them  suitable  to  their  own  situations,  and  there 
fore  fit  to  be  imitated. 

1  The  country-seat  of  the  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  Dr.  Jonathan  Shipley, 
the  "good  Bishop,"  as  Dr.  Franklin  used  to  style  him.  Their  relations 
were  intimate  and  confidential.  In  his  pulpit,  and  in  the  House  of 
Lords,  as  well  as  in  society,  the  bishop  always  opposed  the  harsh 
measures  of  the  Crown  toward  the  Colonies. 


32  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

That  felicity,  when  I  reflected  on  it,  has  induced 
me  sometimes  to  say,  that  were  it  offered  to  my 
choice,  I  should  have  no  objection  to  a  repetition  of 
the  same  life  from  its  beginning,  only  asking  the  ad 
vantages  authors  have  in  a  second  edition  to  correct 
some  faults  of  the  first.  So  I  might,  besides  correct 
ing  the  faults,  change  some  sinister  accidents  and 
events  of  it  for  others  more  favorable.  But  though 
this  were  denied,  I  should  still  accept  the  offer.  Since 
such  a  repetition  is  not  to  be  expected,  the  next 
thing  most  like  living  one's  life  over  again  seems  to 
be  a  recollection  of  that  life,  and  to  make  that  recol 
lection  as  durable  as  possible  by  putting  it  down  in 
writing. 

Hereby,   too,   I   shall  indulge  the  inclination  so 
natural  in  old  men,  to  be  talking  of  themselves  and 
their  own  past  actions ;  and  I  shall  indulge  it  without 
being  tiresome  to  others,  who,  through  respect  to  age, 
might  conceive  themselves  obliged  to  give  me  a  hear 
ing,  since  this  may  be  read  or  not  as  any  one  pleases. 
\  And,  lastly  (I  may  as  well  confess  it,  since  my  denial 
1  of  it  will  be  believed  by  nobody),  perhaps  I  shall  a 
i  good  deal  gratify  my  own_vanity.     Indeed,  I  scarce 
\ever  heard  -or  saw  the  introductory  words,  "  Without 
^vanity  I  may  say,"  etc.,  but  some  vain   thing  im 
mediately  followed.     Most  people  dislike  vanity  in 
others,  whatever  share  "they~~have  of  it  Themselves ; 
but  I  give  it  fair  quarter  wherever  I  meet  with  it, 
being  persuaded  that  it  is  often  productive  of  good 
to  the  possessor,  and  to  others  that  are  within  his 
sphere  of  action;    and  therefore,  in  many  cases,  it 
would  not  be  altogether  absurd  if  a  man  were  to 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  33 

thank  God  for  his  vanity  among  the  other  comforts 
of  life. 

And  now  I  speak  of  thanking  God,  I  desire  with 
all  humility  to  acknowledge  that  I  owe  the  men 
tioned  happiness  of  my  past  life  to  His  kind  .pro 
vidence,  which  lead  me  to  the  means  I  used  and  gave 
them  success.  My  belief  of  this  induces  me  to  hope, 
though  I  must  not  presume,  that  the  same  goodness 
will  still  be  exercised  toward  me,  in  continuing  that 
happiness,  or  enabling  me  to  bear  a  fatal  reverse, 
which  I  may  experience  as  others  have  done;  the 
complexion  of  my  future  fortune  being  known  to 
Him  only  in  whose  power  it  is  to  bless  to  us  even  our 
afflictions. 

The  notes  of  one  of  my  uncles  (who  had  the  same 
kind  of  curiosity  in  collecting  family  anecdotes) 
once  put  into  my  hands,  furnished  me  with  several 
particulars  relating  to  our  ancestors.  From  these 
notes  I  learned  that  the  family  had  lived  in  the  same 
village,  Ecton,  in  Northamptonshire,  for  three  hun 
dred  years,  and  how  much  longer  he  knew  not  (per 
haps  from  the  time  when  the  name  of  Franklin,  that 
before  was  the  name  of  an  order  of  people,  was  as 
sumed  by  them  as  a  surname  when  others  took  sur 
names  all  over  the  kingdom  '),  on  a  freehold  of  about 
thirty  acres,  aided  by  the  smith's  business,  which 

1  That  Franklin  was  anciently  the  common  name  of  an  order  or 
rank  in  England,  see  Fortescue's  De  Laudibus  Legum  Anglice,  written 
about  the  year  1412,  in  which  is  the  following  passage,  to  show  that 
good  juries  might  easily  be  formed  in  any  part  of  England :  "  Moreover, 
the  same  country  is  so  filled  and  re-plenished  with  landed  menne,  that 
therein  so  small  a  thorpe  cannot  be  found  wherein  dweleth  not  a 
knight,  an  esquire,  or  such  an  householder,  as  is  there  commonly  called 

VOL.  I. — 3. 


34  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

had  continued  in  the  family  till  his  time,  the  eldest 
son  being  always  bred  to  that  business,  a  custom 
which  he  and  my  father  followed  as  to  their  eldest 
sons.  When  I  searched  the  registers  at  Ecton,  I 
found  an  account  of  their  births,  marriages,  and 
burials,  from  the  year  1555  only,  there  being  no 
registers  kept  in  that  parish  at  any  time  preceding. 
By  that  register,  I  perceived  that  I  was  the  youngest 
son  of  the  youngest  son  for  five  generations  back. 
My  grandfather  Thomas,  who  was  born  in  1598,  lived 
at  Ecton  till  he  grew  too  old  to  follow  business  longer, 
when  he  went  to  live  with  his  son  John,  a  dyer  at 
B anbury,  in  Oxfordshire,  with  whom  my  father 
served  an  apprenticeship.  There  my  grandfather 
died  and  lies  buried.  We  saw  his  gravestone  in  1758. 
His  eldest  son  Thomas  lived  in  the  house  at  Ecton, 
and  left  it  with  the  land  to  his  only  child,  a  daughter, 
who,  with  her  husband,  one  Richard  Fisher,  of 
Wellingborough,  sold  it  to  Mr.  Isted,  now  lord  of  the 
manor  there.  My  grandfather  had  four  sons  that 
grew  up,  viz. :  Thomas,  John,  Benjamin,  and  Josiah. 
I  will  give  you  what  account  I  can  of  them  at  this 
distance  from  my  papers,  and  if  these  are  not  lost  in 

a  Franklin,  enriched  with  great  possessions,  and  also  other  freeholders 
and  many  yeomen  able  for  their  livelihoodes  to  make  a  jury  in  form 
aforementioned . 

Chaucer,  too,  calls  his  country  gentleman  a  Franklin,  and,  after  de 
scribing  his  good  housekeeping,  thus  characterizes  him : 

"This  worthy  Franklin  has  a  purse  of  silk, 
Fixed  to  his  girdle,  white  as  morning  milk. 
Knight  of  the  Shire,  first  Justice  at  the  Assize, 
To  help  the  poor,  the  doubtful  to  advise. 
In  all  employments,  generous,  just,  he  proved, 
Renowned  for  courtesy,  by  all  beloved." 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  35 

my  absence,  you  will  among  them  find  many  more 
particulars.1 

Thomas  was  bred  a  smith  under  his  father,  but 
being  ingenious,  and  encouraged  in  learning  (as  all 
my  brothers  were)  by  an  Esquire  Palmer,  then  the 
principal  gentleman  in  that  parish,  he  qualified  him 
self  for  the  business  of  scrivener,  became  a  consider 
able  man  in  the  county,  was  a  chief  mover  of  all 
public-spirited  undertakings  for  the  county  or  town 
of  Northampton,  and  his  own  village,  of  which  many 
instances  were  related  of  him,  and  much  taken  notice 
of  and  patronized  by  the  then  Lord  Halifax.  He 
died  in  1702,  January  6,  old  style,  just  four  years  to 
a  day  before  I  was  born.  The  account  we  received 

1  The  following  letter  to  Franklin  from  his  father,  relating  mainly  to 
the  origin  of  the  Franklin  family,  was  found  among  Dr.  Franklin's 
papers : 

From  Josiah  to  B.  Franklin. 

"  LOVING  SON  :  As  to  the  original  of  our  name,  there  is  various  opin 
ions;  some  say  that  it  came  from  a  sort  of  title,  of  which  a  book  that 
you  bought  when  here  gives  a  lively  account.  Some  think  we  are  of 
a  French  extract,  which  was  formerly  called  Franks;  some  of  a  free 
line,  a  line  free  from  that  vassalage  which  was  common  to  subjects  in 
days  of  old;  some  from  a  bird  of  long  red  legs.  Your  uncle  Benjamin 
made  inquiry  of  one  skilled  in  heraldry,  who  told  him  there  is  two  coats 
of  armor,  one  belonging  to  the  Franklins  of  the  North,  and  one  to  the 
Franklins  of  the  West.  However,  our  circumstances  have  been  such 
as  that  it  hath  hardly  been  worth  while  to  concern  ourselves  much 
about  these  things  any  farther  than  to  tickle  the  fancy  a  little.  The 
first  that  I  can  give  account  of  is  my  great-grandfather,  as  it  was  the 
custom  in  those  days  among  young  men  too  many  times  to  goe  to  seek 
their  fortunes,  and  in  his  travels  he  went  upon  lildng  to  a  taylor;  but 
he  kept  such  a  stingy  house,  that  he  left  him  and  travelled  farther, 
and  came  to  a  smith's  house,  and  coming  on  a  fasting  day,  being  in 
popish  times,  he  did  not  like  there  the  first  day;  the  next  morning  the 
servant  was  called  up  at  five  in  the  morning,  but  after  a  little  time  came 
a  good  toast  and  good  beer,  and  he  found  good  housekeeping  there; 
he  served  and  learned  the  trade  of  a  smith.  In  Queen  Mary's  days, 
either  his  wife,  or  my  grandmother,  by  father's  side,  informed  my 
father  that  they  kept  their  Bible  fastened  under  the  top  of  a  joint-stool, 
that  they  might  turn  up  the  book  and  read  in  the  Bible,  that  when 


36  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

of  his  life  and  character  from  some  old  people  at 
Ecton,  I  remember,  struck  you  as  something  extra 
ordinary,  from  its  similarity  to  what  you  knew  of 
mine.  "Had  he  died  on  the  same  day,"  you  said, 
"one  might  have  supposed  a  transmigration." 

John  was  bred  a  dyer,  I  believe,  of  woollens. 
Benjamin  was  bred  a  silk-dyer,  serving  an  appren 
ticeship  at  London.  He  was  an  ingenious  man.  I 
remember  him  well,  for,  when  I  was  a  boy,  he  came 
over  to  my  father  in  Boston,  and  lived  in  the  house 
with  us  some  years.  He  lived  to  a  great  age.  His 
grandson,  Samuel  Franklin,  now  lives  in  Boston. 
He  left  behind  him  two  quarto  volumes,  MS.,  of  his 
own  poetry,  consisting  of  little  occasional  pieces  ad 
dressed  to  his  friends  and  relations,  of  which  the 

anybody  came  to  the  dore  they  turned  up  the  stool  for  fear  of  the 
aparitor,  for  if  it  were  discovered,  they  would  be  in  hazard  of  their  lives. 
My  grandfather  was  a  smith  also,  and  settled  in  Eton,  in  Northampton 
shire,  and  he  was  imprisoned  a  year  and  a  day  on  suspicion  of  his  being 
the  author  of  some  poetry  that  touched  the  character  of  some  great 
man.  He  had  only  one  son  and  one  daughter;  my  grandfather's  name 
was  Thomas,  my  mother's  name  was  Jane.  My  father  was  born  at 
Ecton  or  Eton,  Northamptonshire,  on  the  1 8th  o'f  October,  1698;  mar 
ried  to  Miss  Jane  White,  niece  to  Coll.  White,  of  Banbury,  and  died  in 
the  84th  year  of  his  age.  There  was  nine  children  of  us,  who  were 
happy  in  our  parents,  who  took  great  care  by  their  instructions  and 
pious  example  to  breed  us  up  in  a  religious  way.  My  eldest  brother  had 
but  one  child,  which  was  married  to  one  Mr.  Fisher,  at  Wallingborough, 
in  Northamptonshire.  The  town  was  lately  burnt  down,  and  whether 
she  was  a  sufferer  or  not  I  cannot  tell,  or  whether  she  be  living  or  not. 
Her  father  dyed  worth  fifteen  hundred  pounds,  but  what  her  circum 
stances  are  now  I  know  not.  She  hath  no  child.  If  you  by  the  free 
dom  of  your  office,  makes  it  more  likely  to  convey  a  letter  to  her,  it 
would  be  acceptable  to  me.  There  is  also  children  of  brother  John  and 
sister  Morris,  but  I  hear  nothing  from  them,  and  they  write  not  to  me, 
so  that  I  know  not  where  to  find  them.  I  have  been  again  to  about 
seeing  .  .  .,  but  have  mist  of  being  informed. 

"  We  received  yours,  and  are  glad  to  hear  poor  Jammy  is  recovered  so 
well.  Son  John  received  the  letter,  but  is  so  busy  just  now  that  he 
cannot  write  you  an  answer,  but  will  do  the  best  he  can.  Now  with 
hearty  love  to,  and  prayer  for  you  all,  I  rest  your  affectionate  father, 

"JosiAH  FRANKLIN. 
"  BOSTON,  May  36,  1739  " 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  37 

following,  sent  to  me,  is  a  specimen.1  He  had 
formed  a  short-hand  of  his  own,  which  he  taught  me, 
but,  never  practising  it,  I  have  now  forgot  it.  I  was 
named  after  this  uncle,  there  being  a  particular 
affection  between  him  and  my  father.  He  was 
very  pious,  a  great  attender  of  sermons  of  the  best 
preachers,  which  he  took  down  in  his  short-hand, 
and  had  with  him  many  volumes  of  them.  He  was 
also  much  of  a  politician;  too  much,  perhaps,  for  his 
station.  There  fell  lately  into  my  hands  in  London 
a  collection  he  had  made  of  all  the  principal  pam 
phlets  relating  to  public  affairs,  from  1641  to  1717; 
many  of  the  volumes  are  wanting,  as  appears  by  the 
numbering,  but  there  still  remain  eight  volumes  in 
folio,  and  twenty-four  in  quarto  and  in  octavo.  A 
dealer  in  old  books  met  with  them,  and  knowing  me 
by  my  sometimes  buying  of  him,  he  brought  them  to 
me.  It  seems  my  uncle  must  have  left  them  here 
when  he  went  to  America,  which  was  above  fifty 

1  Here  follow  in  the  margin  the  words,  in  brackets,  "here  insert  it," 
but  the  poetry  is  not  given.  Mr.  Sparks  informs  us  (Life  of  Franklin, 
p.  6)  that  these  volumes  had  been  preserved,  and  were  in  possession  of 
Mrs.  Emmons,  of  Boston,  great-granddaughter  of  their  author.  The 
following  are  specimens  quoted  by  Mr.  Sparks: 

"  Sent  to  his  namesake  upon  a  Report  of  his  Inclination  to  Martial 
Affairs  July  7th,  1710: 

"Believe  me,  Ben,  it  is  a  dangerous  trade, 
The  sword  has  many  marred  as  well  as  made ; 
By  it  do  many  fall,  not  many  rise, 
Makes  many  poor,  few  rich,  and  fewer  wise; 
Fills  towns  with  ruin,  fields  with  blood;  beside 
'T  is  sloth's  maintainer,  and  the  shield  of  pride. 
Fair  cities,  rich  to-day  in  plenty  flow, 
War  fills  with  want  to-morrow,  and  with  woe. 
Ruined  estates,  the  nurse  of  vice,  broke  limbs  and  scars, 
Are  the  effects  of  desolating  wars." 

The  following  piece  was  sent  when  his  namesake  was  seven  years 


38  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

years  since.     There  are  many  of  his  notes  in  the 
margins.1 

This  obscure  family  of  ours  was  early  in  the  Re 
formation,  and  continued  Protestants  through  the 
reign  of  Queen  Mary,  when  they  were  sometimes 
in  danger  of  trouble  on  account  of  their  zeal  against 
popery.  They  had  got  an  English  Bible,  and  to 
conceal  and  secure  it,  it  was  fastened  open  with 
tapes  under  and  within  the  cover  of  a  joint-stool. 
When  my  great-great-grandfather  read  it  to  his 

old.     It  would  appear  that  he  had  received  from  him  some  evidence  of 
his  juvenile  skill  in  composition: 
"Sent  to  Benjamin  Franklin,  1713: 

"  'T  is  time  for  me  to  throw  aside  my  pen, 

When  hanging  sleeves  read,  write,  and  rhyme  like  men. 

This  forward  spring  foretells  a  plentous  crop; 

For  if  the  bud  bear  grain,  what  will  the  top? 

If  plenty  in  the  verdant  blade  appear, 

What  may  we  not  soon  hope  for  in  the  ear? 

When  flowers  are  beautiful  before  they  're  blown, 

What  rarities  will  afterward  be  shown! 

If  trees  good  fruit  un'noculated  bear, 

You  may  be  sure  't  will  afterward  be  rare. 

If  fruits'are  sweet  before  they  've  time  to  yellow, 

How  luscious  will  they  be  when  they  are  mellow? 

If  first  year's  shoots  such  noble  clusters  send, 

What  laden  boughs,  Engedi-like,  may  we  expect  in  the  end!" 

This  uncle  Benjamin  died  in  Boston,  in  17 28,  leaving  one  son,  Samuel, 
the  only  survivor  of  ten  children.  This  son  had  an  only  child,  who  died 
in  1775,  leaving  four  daughters.  There  are  now  no  male  descendants 
of  Dr.  Franklin's  grandfather  living  who  bear  his  name.  The  Doctor's 
eldest  son,  William,  left  one  son,  William  Temple  Franklin,  who  died 
without  issue  bearing  his  name.  His  second  son,  Francis  Folger,  died 
when  about  four  years  of  age.  His  very  clever  daughter  Sarah  married 
Richard  Bache  in  1767.  Their  descendants  are:  Benjamin  Franklin 
Bache,  who  married  Margaret  Markoe;  William  Hartman  Bache,  who 
married  Catharine  Wistar;  Eliza  Franklin  Bache,  who  married  John 
Edward  Harwood;  Louis  Bache,  who  married  (first  wife)  Mary  Ann 
Swift,  (second  wife)  Esther  Egee;  Deborah  Bache,  who  married 
William  J.  Duane;  Richard  Bache,  who  married  Sophia  B.,  a  daughter 
of  Alexander  J.  Dallas;  Sarah  Bache,  who  married  Thomas  Sargeant, 
together  with  their  children. 

1  See  infra  a  letter  to  Samuel  Franklin,  dated  July  12, 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  39 

family,  he  turned  up  the  joint-stool  upon  his  knees, 
turning  over  the  leaves  then  under  the  tapes.  One 
of  the  children  stood  at  the  door  to  give  notice  if  he 
saw  the  apparitor  coming,  who  was  an  officer  of  the 
spiritual  court.  In  that  case  the  stool  was  turned 
down  again  upon  its  feet,  when  the  Bible  remained 
concealed  under  it  as  before.  This  anecdote  I  had 
from  my  uncle  Benjamin.  The  family  continued 
all  of  the  Church  of  England  till  about  the  end  of 
Charles  the  Second's  reign,  when  some  of  the  minis 
ters  that  had  been  outed  for  non- conformity,  hold 
ing  conventicles  in  Northamptonshire,  Benjamin 
and  Josiah  adhered  to  them,  and  so  continued  all 
their  lives:  the  rest  of  the  family  remained  with 
the  Episcopal  Church. 

Josiah,  my  father,  married  young,  and  carried  his 
wife  with  three  children  into  New  England,  about 
1682.  The  conventicles  having  been  forbidden  by 
law,  and  frequently  disturbed,  induced  some  con 
siderable  men  of  his  acquaintance  to  remove  to  that 
country,  and  he  was  prevailed  with  to  accompany 
them  thither,  where  they  expected  to  enjoy  their 
mode  of  religion  with  freedom.  By  the  same  wife 
he  had  four  children  more;  born  there,  and  by  a 
second  wife  ten  more,  in  all  seventeen;  of  which  I 
remember  thirteen  sitting  at  one  time  at  his  table, 
who  all  grew  up  to  be  men  and  women,  and  married; 
I  was  the  youngest  son,  and  the  youngest  child  but 
two,  and  was  born  in  Boston,  New  England. '  My 

1  Franklin  was  born  in  Milk  Street  and  opposite  the  Old  South 
Church,  of  which  his  parents  were  members,  Jan.  6,  1706,  old  style,  or 
January  lyth,  new  style.  He  was  baptized  in  the  Old  South  Church 
the  same  day. — ED. 


40  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

mother,  the  second  wife,  was  Abiah  Folger,  daughter 
of  Peter  Folger,  one  of  the  first  settlers  of  New  Eng 
land,  of  whom  honorable  mention  is  made  by  Cotton 
Mather,  in  his  church  history  of  that  country  en 
titled  Magnolia  Christi  Americana,  as  "a  godly, 
learned  Englishman,"  if  I  remember  the  words 
rightly.  I  have  heard  that  he  wrote  sundry  small 
occasional  pieces,  but  only  one  of  them  was  printed, 
which  I  saw  now  many  years  since.  It  was  written 
in  1675,  m  ^he  home-spun  verse  of  that  time  and 
people,  and  addressed  to  those  then  concerned  in  the 
government  there.  It  was  in  favor  of  liberty  of  con 
science,  and  in  behalf  of  the  Baptists,  Quakers,  and 
other  sectaries  that  had  been  under  persecution, 
ascribing  the  Indian  wars,  and  other  distresses  that 
had  befallen  the  country,  to  that  persecution,  as  so 
many  judgments  of  God  to  punish  so  heinous  an 
offense,  and  exhorting  a  repeal  of  those  uncharitable 
laws.  The  whole  appeared  to  me  as  written  with  a 
good  deal  of  decent  plainness  and  manly  freedom. 
The  six  concluding  lines  I  remember,  though  I  have 
forgotten  the  two  first  of  the  stanza ;  but  the  purport 
of  them  was,  that  his  censures  proceeded  from  good 
will,  and  therefore  he  would  be  known  to  be  the  author. 

"  Because  to  be  a  libeller  (says  he) 

I  hate  it  with  my  heart ; 
From  Sherburne  *  town,  where  now  I  dwell 

My  name  I  do  put  here ; 
Without  offense  your  real  friend, 

It  is  Peter  Folgier."  a 

1  Sherburne  is  now  known  by  the  name  of  Nantucket. — ED. 

2  These  lines  are  from  A  Looking-Glass  for  the  Times;  or,  The  Former 
Spirit  of  New  England  Revived  in  this  Generation,   by   Peter  Folger. 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  41 

My  elder  brothers  were  all  put  apprentices  to 
different  trades.  I  was  put  to  the  grammar-school 
at  eight  years  of  age,  my  father  intending  to  devote 
me,  as  the  tithe  of  his  sons,  to  the  service  of  the 
Church.  My  early  readiness  in  learning  to  read 
(which  must  have  been  very  early,  as  I  do  not  re 
member  when  I  could  not  read),  and  the  opinion  of 
all  his  friends,  that  I  should  certainly  make  a  good 
scholar,  encouraged  him  in  this  purpose  of  his.  My 
uncle  Benjamin,  too,  approved  of  it,  and  proposed 
to  give  me  all  his  short-hand  volumes  of  sermons,  I 
suppose  as  a  stock  to  set  up  with,  if  I  would  learn  his 
character.  I  continued,  however,  at  the  grammar- 
school  not  quite  one  year,  though  in  that  time  I  had 

printed  in  a  pamphlet  of  fourteen  duodecimo  pages,  and  bearing 
date  April  23,  1676,  while  Philip's  war  was  raging.  The  author  was 
the  only  son  of  John  Folger,  who  came  from  Norwich  in  England,  and 
was  among  the  first  settlers  of  Watertown,  Mass.  The  father  after 
ward  removed  to  Martha's  Vineyard,  where  Peter  became  thoroughly 
versed  in  the  Indian  tongue,  as  spoken  in  that  section,  so  that  he  could 
speak  and  write  it  with  facility.  This  accomplishment  made  him 
useful  as  an  interpreter,  and  it  was  through  his  agency  that  the  island 
of  Nantucket  was  fairly  purchased  of  the  natives  and  honestly  paid 
for.  His  wife's  maiden  name  was  Mary  Morrill,  a  servant  of  the  cele 
brated  Hugh  Peters,  with  whom  and  in  the  same  ship  he  came  to 
America.  During  the  voyage  he  became  enamoured  of  her,  and 
purchased  her  time  of  her  master  for  £20.  She  afterward  became  his 
wife,  the  mother  of  Abiah  Folger,  and  the  grandmother,  of  course,  of 
Dr.  Franklin.  These  lines,  immediately  preceding  those  quoted  by 
Dr.  Franklin,  which  are  necessary  to  complete  the  sentiment  intended 
to  be  conveyed  by  the  author,  are  the  following: 

"  I  am  for  peace  and  not  for  war, 

And  that  's  the  reason  why 
I  write  more  plain  than  some  men  do, 

That  use  to  daub  and  lie. 
But  I  shall  cease,  and  set  my  name 

To  what  I  here  insert, 
Because  to  be  a  libeller 
I  hate  it  with  my  heart." 


42  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

risen  gradually  from  the  middle  of  the  class  of  that 
year  to  be  the  head  of  it,  and  farther  was  removed 
into  the  next  class  above  it,  in  order  to  go  with  that 
into  the  third  at  the  end  of  the  year.  But  my 
father,  in  the  meantime,  from  a  view  of  the  expense 
of  a  college  education,  which  having  so  large  a  family 
he  could  not  well  afford,  and  the  mean  living  many 
so  educated  were  afterwards  able  to  obtain, — reasons 
that  he  gave  to  his  friends  in  my  hearing, — altered 
his  first  intention,  took  me  from  the  grammar- 
school,  and  sent  me  to  a  school  for  writing  and 
arithmetic,  kept  by  a  then  famous  man,  Mr.  George 
Brownell,  very  successful  in  his  profession  generally, 
and  that  by  mild,  encouraging  methods.  Under  him 
I  acquired  fair  writing  pretty  soon,  but  I  failed  in 
the  arithmetic,  and  made  no  progress  in  it.  At  ten 
years  old  I  was  taken  home  to  assist  my  father  in 
his  business,  which  was  that  of  a  tallow-chandler 
and  sope-boiler;  a  business  he  was  not  bred  to,  but 
had  assumed  on  his  arrival  in  New  England,  and  on 
finding  his  dying  trade  would  not  maintain  his 
family,  being  in  little  request.  Accordingly,  I  was 
employed  in  cutting  wick  for  the  candles,  filling  the 
dipping  mold  and  the  molds  for  cast  candles,  at 
tending  the  shop,  going  of  errands,  etc. 

I  disliked  the  trade,  and  had  a  strong  inclination 
for  the  sea,  but  my  father  declared  against  it;  how 
ever,  living  near  the  water,  I  was  much  in  and  about 
it,  learnt  early  to  swim  well,  and  to  manage  boats; 
and  when  in  a  boat  or  canoe  with  other  boys,  I  was 
commonly  allowed  to  govern,  especially  in  any  case 
of  difficulty;  and  upon  other  occasions  I  was  gener- 


1706-173°]  Benjamin  Franklin  43 

ally  a  leader  among  the  boys^  and  sometimes  led 
them  into  scrapes,  of  which  I  will  mention  one  in 
stance,  as  it  shows  \an  early  projecting  public  spirit, 
tho'  not  then  justly  conducted. 

There  was  a  salt-marsh  that  bounded  part  of  the 
mill-pond,  on  the  edge  of  which,  at  high  water,  we 
used  to  stand  to  fish  for  minnows.  By  much  tramp 
ling,  we  had  made  it  a  mere  quagmire.  My  proposal 
was  to  build  a  wharf  there  fit  for  us  to  stand  upon, 
and  I  showed  my  comrades  a  large  heap  of  stones, 
which  were  intended  for  a  new  house  near  the  marsh, 
and  which  would  very  well  suit  our  purpose.  Ac 
cordingly,  in  the  evening,  when  the  workmen  were 
gone,  I  assembled  a  number  of  my  play-fellows,  and 
working  with  them  diligently  like  so  many  emmets, 
sometimes  two  or  three  to  a  stone,  we  brought  them 
all  away  and  built  our  little  wharf.  The  next  morn 
ing  the  workmen  were  surprised  at  missing  the 
stones,  which  were  found  in  our  wharf.  Inquiry  was 
made  after  the  removers;  we  were  discovered  and 
complained  of;  several  of  us  were  corrected  by  our 
fathers;  and,  though  I  pleaded  the  usefulness  of  the 
work,  mine  convinced  me  that  nothing  was  useful 
which  was  not  honest. 

I  think  you  may  like  to  know  something  of  his 
person  and  character.  He  had  an  excellent  constitu 
tion  of  body,  was  of  middle  stature,  but  well  set,  and 
very  strong;  he  was  ingenious,  could  draw  prettily, 
was  skilled  a  little  in  music,  and  had  a  clear,  pleasing 
voice,  so  that  when  he  played  psalm  tunes  on  his 
violin  and  sung  withal,  as  he  sometimes  did  in  an 
evening  after  the  business  of  the  day  was  over,  it  was 


44  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

extremely  agreeable  to  hear.  He  had  a  mechanical 
genius  too,  and,  on  occasion,  was  very  handy  in  the 
use  of  other  tradesmen's  tools;  but  his  great  excel 
lence  lay  in  a  sound  understanding  and  solid  judg 
ment  in  prudential  matters,  both  in  private  and 
publick  affairs.  In  the  latter,  indeed,  he  was  never 
employed,  the  numerous  family  he  had  to  educate 
and  the  straitness  of  his  circumstances  keeping  him 
close  to  his  trade;  but  I  remember  well  his  being 
frequently  visited  by  leading  people,  who  consulted 
him  for  his  opinion  in  affairs  of  the  town  or  of 
the  church  he  belonged  to,  and  showed  a  good  deal 
of  respect  for  his  judgment  and  advice:  he  was 
also  much  consulted  by  private  persons  about  their 
affairs  when  any  difficulty  occurred,  and  frequently 
chosen  an  arbitrator  between  contending  parties. 
At  his  table  he  liked  to  have,  as  often  as  he  could, 
some  sensible  friend  or  neighbor  to  converse  with, 
and  always  took  care  to  start  some  ingenious  or  use 
ful  topic  for  discourse,  which  might  tend  to  improve 
the  minds  of  his  children.  By  this  means  he  turned 
our  attention  to  what  was  good,  just,  and  prudent  in 
the  conduct  of  life;  and  little  or  no  notice  was  ever 
taken  of  what  related  to  the  victuals  on  the  table, 
whether  it  was  well  or  ill  dressed,  in  or  out  of  season, 
of  good  or  bad  flavor,  preferable  or  inferior  to  this  or 
that  other  thing  of  the  kind,  so  that  I  was  bro't  up 
in  such  a  perfect  inattention  to  those  matters  as  to 
be  quite  indifferent  what  kind  of  food  was  set  before 
me,  and  so  unobservant  of  it  that  to  this  day  if  I  am 
asked  I  can  scarcely  tell  a  few  hours  after  dinner 
what  I  dined  upon.  This  has  been  a  convenience  to 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  45 

me  in  travelling,  where  my  companions  have  been 
sometimes  very  unhappy  for  want  of  a  suitable 
gratification  of  their  more  delicate,  because  better 
instructed,  tastes  and  appetites. 

My  mother  had  likewise  an  excellent  constitution : 
she  suckled  all  her  ten  children.  I  never  knew  either 
my  father  or  mother  to  have  any  sickness  but  that 
of  which  they  dy'd,  he  at  eighty-nine,  and  she  at 
eighty-five  years  of  age.  They  lie  buried  together 
at  Boston,  where  I  some  years  since  placed  a  marble 
over  their  grave,  with  this  inscription: 

JOSIAH  FRANKLIN, 

And 

ABIAH  his  wife, 

Lie  here  interred. 

They  lived  lovingly  together  in  wedlock 

Fifty-five  years. 

Without  an  estate,  or  any  gainful  employment, 
By  constant  labor  and  industry 

With  God's  blessing, 
They  maintained  a  large  family 

Comfortably, 

And  brought  up  thirteen  children 
And  seven  grandchildren 

Reputably. 

From  this  instance,  reader, 
Be  encouraged  to  diligence  in  thy  calling, 

And  distrust  not  Providence. 

He  was  a  pious  and  prudent  man ; 

She,  a  discreet  and  virtuous  woman. 

Their  youngest  son, 
In  filial  regard  to  their  memory, 

Places  this  stone. 

J.  F.  born  1655,  died  1744,  ^tat  89. 
A.  F.  born  1667,  died  1752,  -     -  85.' 

1 A  more  durable  monument  was  erected  over  the  graves  of  the  father 
and  mother  of  Franklin  in  1827  by  the  voluntary  subscriptions  of  a 


46  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

By  my  rambling  digressions  I  perceive  myself  to 
be  grown  old.  I  us'd  to  write  more  methodically. 
But  one  does  not  dress  for  private  company  as  for  a 
publick  ball.  'T  is  perhaps  only  negligence. 

To  return:  I  continued  thus  employed  in  my 
father's  business  for  two  years,  that  is,  till  I  was 
twelve  years  old;  and  my  brother  John,  who  was 
bred  to  that  business,  having  left  my  father,  mar 
ried,  and  set  up  for  himself  at  Rhode  Island,  there 
was  all  appearance  that  I  was  destined  to  supply  his 
place,  and  become  a  tallow-chandler.  But  my  dis 
like  to  the  trade  continuing,  my  father  was  under 
apprehensions  that  if  he  did  not  find  one  for  me 
more  agreeable,  I  should  break  away  and  get  to  sea, 
as  his  son  Josiah  had  done,  to  his  great  vexation 
He  therefore  sometimes  took  me  to  walk  with  him. 
and  see  joiners,  bricklayers,  turners,  braziers,  etc., 

large  number  of  the  citizens  of  Boston.  It  is  an  obelisk  of  granite 
twenty-one  feet  high,  which  rests  on  a  square  base  measuring  seven 
feet  on  each  side  and  two  feet  in  height.  The  obelisk  is  composed  of 
five  massive  blocks  of  granite,  placed  one  above  another.  On  one 
side  is  the  name  of  Franklin  in  large  bronze  letters,  and  a  little  below  is 
a  tablet  of  bronze,  thirty-two  inches  long  and  sixteen  wide,  sunk  into 
the  stone.  On  this  tablet  is  engraven  Dr.  Franklin's  original  inscrip 
tion,  as  quoted  in  the  text,  and  beneath  it  are  the  following  lines: 

THE  MARBLE  TABLET, 

Bearing  the  above  inscription, 

Having  been  dilapidated  by  the  ravages  of  time, 

A  number  of  citizens, 

Entertaining  the  most  profound  veneration 
For  the  memory  of  the  illustrious 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 

And  desirous  of  reminding  succeeding  generations 

That  he  was  born  in  Boston, 

A.D.  MDCCVL, 

Erected  this 

Obelisk 

Over  the  grave  of  his  parents, 
MDCCCXXVIT.. 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  47 

at  their  work,  that  he  might  observe  my  inclination, 
and  endeavor  to  fix  it  on  some  trade  or  other  on  land. 
It  has  ever  since  been  a  pleasure  to  me  to  see  good 
workmen  handle  their  tools;  and  it  has  been  useful 
to  me,  having  learnt  so  much  by  it  as  to  be  able  to 
do  little  jobs  myself  in  my  house  when  a  workman 
could  not  readily  be  got,  and  to  construct  little  ma 
chines  for  my  experiments,  while  the  intention  of 
making  the  experiment  was  fresh  and  warm  in  my 
mind.  My  father  at  last  fixed  upon  the  cutler's 
trade,  and  my  uncle  Benjamin's  son  Samuel,  who  was 
bred  to  that  business  in  London,  being  about  that  time 
established  in  Boston,  I  was  sent  to  be  with  him  some 
time  on  liking.  But  his  expectations  of  a  fee  with 
me  displeasing  my  father,  I  was  taken  home  again. 

From  a  child  I  was  fond  of  reading,  and  all  the 
little  money  that  came  into  my  hands  was  ever  laid 
out  in  books.  Pleased  with  the  Pilgrim's  Progress, 
my  first  collection  was  of  John  Bunyan's  works  in 
separate  little  volumes.  I  afterward  sold  them  to 
enable  me  to  buy  R.  Burton's  Historical  Collections; 
they  were  small  chapmen's  books,  and  cheap,  forty 
or  fifty  in  all.  My  father's  little  library  consisted 
chiefly  of  books  in  polemic  divinity,  most  of  which  I 
read,  and  have  since  often  regretted  that,  at  a  time 
when  I  had  such  a  thirst  for  knowledge,  more  proper 
books  had  not  fallen  in  my  way,  since  it  was  now  re 
solved  I  should  not  be  a  clergyman.  Plutarch's  Lives 
there  was  in  which  I  read  abundantly,  and  I  still 
think  that  time  spent  to  great  advantage.  There 
was  also  a  book  of  De  Foe's,  called  an  Essay  on  Pro 
jects,  and  another  of  Dr.  Mather's,  called  Essays  to  do 


48  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

Good,  which  perhaps  gave  me  a  turn  of  thinking  that 
had  an  influence  on  some  of  the  principal  future 
events  of  my  life. 

This  bookish  inclination  at  length  determined  my 
father  to  make  me  a  printer,  though  he  had  already 
one  son  (James)  of  that  profession.  In  1717  my 
brother  James  returned  from  England  with  a  press 
and  letters  to  set  up  his  business  in  Boston.  I  liked 
it  much  better  than  that  of  my  father,  but  still  had 
a  hankering  for  the  sea.  To  prevent  the  appre 
hended  effect  of  such  an  inclination,  my  father  was 
impatient  to  have  me  bound  to  my  brother.  I  stood 
out  some  time,  but  at  last  was  persuaded,  and  signed 
the  indentures  when  I  was  yet  but  twelve  years  old. 
I  was  to  serve  as  an  apprentice  till  I  was  twenty-one 
years  of  age,  only  I  was  to  be  allowed  journeyman's 
wages  during  the  last  year.  In  a  little  time  I  made 
great  proficiency  in  the  business,  and  became  a  use 
ful  hand  to  my  brother.  I  now  had  access  to  Better 
books.  An  acquaintance  with  the  apprentices  of 
booksellers  enabled  me  sometimes  to  borrow  a  small 
one,  which  I  was  careful  to  return  soon  and  clean. 
Often  I  sat  up  in  my  room  reading  the  greatest  part 
of  the  night,  when  the  book  was  borrowed  in  the 
evening  and  to  be  returned  early  in  the  morning, 
lest  it  should  be  missed  or  wanted. 

And  after  some  time  an  ingenious  tradesman,  Mr. 
Matthew  Adams,  who  had  a  pretty  collection  of 
books,  and  who  frequented  our  printing-house,  took 
notice  of  me,  invited  me  to  his  library,  and  very 
kindly  lent  me  such  books  as  I  chose  to  read.  I  now 
took  a  fancy  to  poetry,  and  made  some  little  pieces; 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  49 

my  brother,  thinking  it  might  turn  to  account,  en 
couraged  me,  and  put  me  on  composing  occasional 
ballads.  One  was  called  The  Lighthouse  Tragedy, 
and  contained  an  account  of  the  drowning  of  Cap 
tain  Worthilake,  with  his  two  daughters;  the  other 
was  a  sailor's  song,  on  the  taking  of  Teach  (or  Black- 
beard)  the  pirate.  They  were  wretched  stuff,  in 
the  Grub-street-ballad  style;  and  when  they  were 
printed  he  sent  me  about  the  town  to  sell  them. 
The  first  sold  wonderfully;  the  event,  being  recent, 
having  made  a  great  noise.  This  flattered  my  van 
ity  ;  but  my  father  discouraged  me  by  ridiculing  my 
performances,  and  telling  me  verse-makers  were 
generally  beggars.  So  I  escaped  being  a  poet,  most 
probably  a  very  bad  one ;  but  as  prose  writing  has 
been  of  great  use  to  me  in  the  course  of  my  life,  and 
was  a  principal  means  of  my  advancement,  I  shall  tell 
you  how,  in  such  a  situation,  I  acquired  what  little 
ability  I  have  in  that  way. 

There  was  another  bookish  lad  in  the  town,  John 
Collins  by  name,  with  whom  I  was  intimately  ac 
quainted.  We  sometimes  disputed,  and  very  fond 
we  were  of  argument,  and  very  desirous  of  confuting 
one  another,  which  disputatious  turn,  by  the  way, 
is  apt  to  become  a  very  bad  habit,  making  people 
often  extremely  disagreeable  in  company  by  the  con 
tradiction  that  is  necessary  to  bring  it  into  practice; 
and  thence,  besides  souring  and  spoiling  the  con 
versation,  is  productive  of  disgusts  and,  perhaps, 
enmities  where  you  may  have  occasion  for  friend 
ship.  I  had  caught  it  by  reading  my  father's  books 
of  dispute  about  religion.  Persons  of  good  sense,  I 


Y!>'..  I.— 4. 


5°  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

have  since  observed,  seldom  fall  into  it,  except  law 
yers,  university  men,  and  men  of  all  sorts  that  have 
been  bred  at  Edinborough. 

A  question  was  once,  somehow  or  other,  started 
between  Collins  and  me,  of  the  propriety  of  educat 
ing  the  female  sex  in  learning,  and  their  abilities  for 
study.  He  was  of  opinion  that  it  was  improper,  and 
that  they  were  naturally  unequal  to  it.  I  took  the 
contrary  side,  perhaps  a  little  for  dispute's  sake.  He 
was  naturally  more  eloquent,  had  a  ready  plenty  of 
words,  and  sometimes,  as  I  thought,  bore  me  down 
more  by  his  fluency  than  by  the  strength  of  his  rea 
sons.  As  we  parted  without  settling  the  point,  and 
were  not  to  see  one  another  again  for  some  time,  I 
sat  down  to  put  my  arguments  in  writing,  which 
I  copied  fair  and  sent  to  him.  He  answered,  and  I 
replied.  Three  or  four  letters  of  a  side  had  passed, 
when  my  father  happened  to  find  my  papers  and  read 
them.  Without  entering  into  the  discussion,  he 
took  occasion  to  talk  to  me  about  the  manner  of  my 
writing;  observed  that,  though  I  had  the  advantage 
of  my  antagonist  in  correct  spelling  and  pointing 
(which  I  ow'd  to  the  printing-house),  I  fell  far  short 
in  elegance  of  expression,  in  method  and  in  per 
spicuity,  of  which  he  convinced  me  by  several  in 
stances.  I  saw  the  justice  of  his  remarks,  and 
thence  grew  more  attentive  to  the  manner  in  writing, 
and  determined  to  endeavor  at  improvement. 

About  this  time  I  met  with  an  odd  volume  of  the 
Spectator.  It  was  the  third.  I  had  never  before  seen 
any  of  them.  I  bought  it,  read  it  over  and  over,  and 
was  much  delighted  with  it.  I  thought  the  writing 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  51 

excellent,  and  wished,  if  possible,  to  imitate  it. 
With  this  view  I  took  some  of  the  papers,  and,  mak 
ing  short  hints  of  the  sentiment  in  each  sentence, 
laid  them  by  a  few  days,  and  then,  without  looking 
at  the  book,  try'd  to  compleat  the  papers  again,  by 
expressing  each  hinted  sentiment  at  length,  and  as 
fully  as  it  had  been  expressed  before,  in  any  suitable 
words  that  should  come  to  hand.  Then  I  compared 
my  Spectator  with  the  original,  discovered  some  of  my 
faults,  and  corrected  them.  But  I  found  I  wanted  a 
stock  of  words,  or  a  readiness  in  recollecting  and 
using  them,  which  I  thought  I  should  have  acquired 
before  that  time  if  I  had  gone  on  making  verses; 
since  the  continual  occasion  for  words  of  the  same 
import,  but  of  different  length,  to  suit  the  measure, 
or  of  different  sound  for  the  rhyme,  would  have 
laid  me  under  a  constant  necessity  of  searching  for 
variety,  and  also  have  tended  to  fix  that  variety  in 
my  mind,  and  make  me  master  of  it.  Therefore  I 
took  some  of  the  tales  and  turned  them  into  verse; 
and,  after  a  time,  when  I  had  pretty  well  forgotten 
the  prose,  turned  them  back  again.  I  also  some 
times  jumbled  my  collections  of  hints  into  confusion, 
and  after  some  weeks  endeavored  to  reduce  them 
into  the  best  order,  before  I  began  to  form  the  full 
sentences  and  compleat  the  paper.  This  was  to 
teach  me  method  in  the  arrangement  of  thoughts. 
By  comparing  my  work  afterwards  with  the  original, 
I  discovered  my  faults  and  amended  them;  but  I 
sometimes  had  the  pleasure  of  fancying  that,  in  cer 
tain  particulars  of  small  import,  I  had  been  lucky 
enough  to  improve  the  method  or  the  language,  and 


52  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

this  encouraged  me  to  think  I  might  possibly  in  time 
come  to  be  a  tolerable  English  writer,  of  which  I  was 
extremely  ambitious.  My  time  for  these  exercises 
and  for  reading  was  at  night,  after  work  or  before  it 
began  in  the  morning,  or  on  Sundays,  when  I  con 
trived  to  be  in  the  printing-house  alone,  evading  as 
much  as  I  could  the  common  attendance  on  public 
worship  which  my  father  used  to  exact  of  me  when 
I  was  under  his  care,  and  which  indeed  I  still  thought 
ja  duty,  though  I  could  not,  as  it  seemed  to  me,  afford 
time  to  practise  it. 

When  about  16  years  of  age  I  happened  to  meet 
with  a  book,  written  by  one  Try  on,  recommending 
a  vegetable  diet.  I  determined  to  go  into  it.  My 
brother,  being  yet  unmarried,  did  not  keep  house, 
but  boarded  himself  and  his  apprentices  in  another 
family.  My  refusing  to  eat  flesh  occasioned  an  in- 
conveniency,  and  I  was  frequently  chid  for  my  sin 
gularity.  I  made  myself  acquainted  with  Tryon's 
manner  of  preparing  some  of  his  dishes,  such  as 
boiling  potatoes  or  rice,  making  hasty  pudding,  and 
a  few  others,  and  then  proposed  to  my  brother,  that 
if  he  would  give  me,  weekly,  half  the  money  he  paid 
for  my  board,  I  would  board  myself.  He  instantly 
agreed  to  it,  and  I  presently  found  that  I  could  save 
half  what  he  paid  me.  This  was  an  additional  fund 
for  buying  books.  But  I  had  another  advantage  in 
it.  My  brother  and  the  rest  going  from  the  printing- 
house  to  their  meals,  I  remained  there  alone,  and, 
despatching  presently  my  light  repast,  which  often 
was  no  more  than  a  bisket  or  a  slice  of  bread,  a  hand 
ful  of  raisins,  or  a  tart  from  the  pastry-cook's,  and  a 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  53 

glass  of  water,  had  the  rest  of  the  time,  till  their 
return,  for  sttidy,  in  which  I  made  the  greater  pro-    ^  \ 
gress,    from    that    greater    clearness    of    head    and 
quicker   apprehension   which   usually   attend   tem 
perance  in  eating  and  drinking. 

And  now  it  was  that,  being  on  some  occasion  made 
asham'd  of  my  ignorance  in  figures,  which  I  had 
twice  failed  in  learning  when  at  school,  I  took  Cock 
er's  book  of  Arithmetick,  and  went  through  the 
whole  by  myself  with  great  ease.  I  also  read  Seller's 
and  Shermy's  books  of  Navigation,  and  became  ac 
quainted  with  the  little  geometry  they  contain ;  but 
never  proceeded  far  in  that  science.  And  I  read 
about  this  timej  Locke  On  Human  Understanding, 
and  the  Art  of  Thinking,  by  Messrs,  du  Port  Royal. 

While  I  was  intent  on  improving  my  language,  I 
met  with  an  English  grammar  (I  think  it  was  Green 
wood's),  at  the  end  of  which  there  were  two  little 
sketches  of  the  arts  of  rhetoric  and  logic,  the  latter 
finishing  with  a  specimen  of  a  dispute  in  the  Socratic 
method,  and  soon  after  I  procur'd  Xenophon's 
Memorable  Things  of  Socrates,  wherein  there  are 
many  instances  of  the  same  method.  I  was  charm 'd 
with  it,  adopted  it,  dropt  my  abrupt  contradiction 
and  positive  argumentation,  and  put  on  the  humble 
inquirer  and  doubter.  And  being  then,  from  read 
ing  Shaftesbury  and  Collins,  become  a  real  doubter 
in  many  points  of  our  religious  doctrine,  I  found  this 
method  safest  for  myself,  and  very  embarrassing  to 
those  against  whom  I  used  it;  therefore  I  took  a 
delight  in  it,  practis'd  it  continually,  and  grew  very 
artful  and  expert  in  drawing  people,  even  of  superior 


54  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

knowledge,  into  concessions,  the  consequences  of 
which  they  did  not  foresee,  entangling  them  in 
difficulties  out  of  which  they  could  not  extricate 
themselves,  and  so  obtaining  victories  that  neither 
myself  nor  my  cause  always  deserved.  I  continu'd 
this  method  some  few  years,  but  gradually  left  it, 
retaining  only  the  habit  of  expressing  myself  in 
terms  of  modest  diffidence,  never  using,  when  I  ad 
vanced  any  thing  that  may  possibly  be  disputed,  the 
words  certainly,  undoubtedly,  or  any  others  that  give 
the  air  of  posit iveness  to  an  opinion,  but  rather  say, 
I  conceive  or  apprehend  a  thing  to  be  so  and  so;  it 
appears  to  me,  or  /  should  think  it  so  or  so,  for  such 
and  such  reasons;  or  /  imagine  it  to  be  so;  or  it  is  so, 
if  I  am  not  mistaken.  This  habit,  I  believe,  has  been 
of  great  advantage  to  me  when  I  have  had  occasion 
to  inculcate  my  opinions,  and  persuade  men  into 
measures  that  I  have  been  from  time  to  time  en- 
gag'd  in  promoting;  and,  as  the  chief  ends  of  con 
versation  are  to  inform  or  to  be  informed,  to  please 
or  to  persuade,  I  wish  well-meaning,  sensible  men 
would  not  lessen  their  power  of  doing  good  by  a 
positive,  assuming  manner,  that  seldom  fails  to  dis 
gust,  tends  to  create  opposition,  and  to  defeat  every 
one  of  those  purposes  for  which  speech  was  given 
to  us, — to  wit,  giving  or  receiving  information  or 
pleasure.  For,  if  you  would  inform,  a  positive  and 
dogmatical  manner  in  advancing  your  sentiments 
may  provoke  contradiction  and  prevent  a  candid 
attention.  If  you  wish  information  and  improve 
ment  from  the  knowledge  of  others,  and  yet  at  the 
same  time  express  yourself  as  firmly  fix'd  in  your 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  55 

present  opinions,  modest,  sensible  men,  who  do  not 
love  disputation,  will  probably  leave  you  undis 
turbed  in  the  possession  of  your  error.  And  by 
such  a  manner,  you  can  seldom  hope  to  recommend 
yourself  in  pleasing  your  hearers,  or  to  persuade 
those  whose  concurrence  you  desire.  Pope  says, 
judiciously : 

Men  should  be  taught  as  if  you  taught  them  not, 
And  things  unknown  proposed  as  things  forgot; 

farther  recommending  to  us 

To  speak,  tho'  sure,  with  seeming  diffidence. 

And  he  might  have  coupled  with  this  line  that  which 
he  has  coupled  with  another,  I  think,  less  properly: 

For  want  of  modesty  is  want  of  sense. 

If  you  ask,  Why  less  properly?  I  must  repeat  the 
lines: 

Immodest  words  admit  of  no  defense, 
For  want  of  modesty  is  want  of  sense. 

Now,  is  not  want  of  sense  (where  a  man  is  so  unfor 
tunate  as  to  want  it)  some  apology  for  his  want  of 
modesty?  and  would  not  the  lines  stand  more  justly 
thus? 

Immodest  words  admit  but  this  defense, 
That  want  of  modesty  is  want  of  sense. 

This,  however,  I  should  submit  to  better  judgments. 

My  brother  had,  in  1720  or  1721,  begun  to  print  a 

newspaper.     It  was  the   second  that  appeared  in 

America,  and  was  called  the  New  England  C  our  ant. 


56  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

The  only  one  before  it  was  the  Boston  News-Letter.1 
I  remember  his  being  dissuaded  by  some  of  his 
friends  from  the  undertaking,  as  not  likely  to  succeed, 
one  newspaper  being,  in  their  judgment,  enough  for 
America.  At  this  time  [1771]  there  are  not  less  than 
five-and-twenty.  He  went  on,  however,  with  the 
undertaking,  and  after  having  worked  in  composing 
the  types  and  printing  off  the  sheets,  I  was  em 
ployed  to  carry  the  papers  thro'  the  streets  to  the 
customers. 

He  had  some  ingenious  men  among  his  friends, 
who  amus'd  themselves  by  writing  little  pieces  for 
this  paper,  which  gain'd  it  credit  and  made  it  more 
in  demand,  and  these  gentlemen  often  visited  us. 
Hearing  their  conversations,  and  their  accounts  of 
the  approbation  their  papers  were  received  with,  I 
was  excited  to  try  my  hand  among  them;  but, 
being  still  a  boy,  and  suspecting  that  my  brother 
would  object  to  printing  any  thing  of  mine  in  his 
paper  if  he  knew  it  to  be  mine,  I  contrived  to  dis 
guise  my  hand,  and,  writing  an  anonymous  paper, 
I  put  it  in  at  night,  under  the  door  of  the  printing- 
house.  It  was  found  in  the  morning,  and  com- 

1  "This  was  written  from  recollection,  and  it  is  not  surprising  that, 
after  the  lapse  of  fifty  years,  the  author's  memory  should  have  failed 
him  in  regard  to  a  fact  of  small  importance.  The  New  England  Cour- 
ant  was  the  fourth  newspaper  that  appeared  in  America.  The  first 
number  of  the  Boston  News-Letter  was  published  April  24,  1704.  This 
was  the  first  newspaper  in  America.  The  Boston  Gazette  commenced 
December  21,  1719;  the  American  Weekly  Mercury,  at  Philadelphia, 
December  22,  1719;  the  New  England  C  our  ant,  August  21,  1721.  Dr. 
Franklin's  error  of  memory  probably  originated  in  the  circumstance 
of  his  brother  having  been  the  printer  of  the  Boston  Gazette  when  it 
was  first  established.  This  was  the  second  newspaper  published  in 
America." — SPARKS. 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  57 

municated  to  his  writing  friends  when  they  call'd  in 
as  usual.  They  read  it,  commented  on  it  in  my 
hearing,  and  I  had  the  exquisite  pleasure  of  finding 
it  met  with  their  approbation,  and  that,  in  their 
different  guesses  at  the  author,  none  were  named 
but  men  of  some  character  among  us  for  learning 
and  ingenuity.  I  suppose  now  that  I  was  rather 
lucky  in  my  judges,  and  that  perhaps  they  were  not 
really  so  very  good  ones  as  I  then  esteem 'd  them. 

Encouraged,  however,  by  this,  I  wrote  and  con 
vey 'd  in  the  same  way  to  the  press  several  more 
papers,  which  were  equally  approved;  and  I  kept 
my  secret  till  my  small  fund  of  sense  for  such  per 
formances  was  pretty  well  exhausted,  and  then  I 
discovered  it,  when  I  began  to  be  considered  a  little 
more  by  my  brother's  acquaintance,  and  in  a  man 
ner  that  did  not  quite  please  him,  as  he  thought, 
probably  with  reason,  that  it  tended  to  make  me  too 
vain.  And,  perhaps,  this  might  be  one  occasion  of 
the  differences  that  we  began  to  have  about  this  time. 
Though  a  brother,  he  considered  himself  as  my 
master,  and  me  as  his  apprentice,  and,  accordingly, 
expected  the  same  services  from  me  as  he  would  from 
another,  while  I  thought  he  demean 'd  me  too  much 
in  some  he  required  of  me,  who  from  a  brother  ex 
pected  more  indulgence.  Our  disputes  were  often 
brought  before  our  father,  and  I  fancy  I  was  either 
generally  in  the  right,  or  else  a  better  pleader,  be 
cause  the  judgment  was  generally  in  my  favor.  But 
my  brother  was  passionate,  and  had  often  beaten  me, 
which  I  took  extreamly  amiss ;  and,  thinking  my  ap 
prenticeship  very  tedious,  I  was  continually  wishing 


5$  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

for  some  opportunity  of  shortening  it,  which  at 
length  offered  in  a  manner  unexpected.1 

One  of  the  pieces  in  our  newspaper  on  some  po 
litical  point,  which  I  have  now  forgotten,  gave  of 
fense  to  the  Assembly.  He  was  taken  up,  censur'd, 
and  imprison 'd  for  a  month,  by  the  Speaker's  war 
rant,  I  suppose,  because  he  would  not  discover  his 
author.  I  too  was  taken  up  and  examin'd  before  the 
council ;  but,  tho'  I  did  not  give  them  any  satisfaction, 
they  con  tent 'd  themselves  with  admonishing  me,  and 
dismissed  me,  considering  me,  perhaps,  as  an  appren 
tice,  who  was  bound  to  keep  his  master's  secrets. 

During  my  brother's  confinement,  which  I  re 
sented  a  good  deal,  notwithstanding  our  private 
differences,  I  had  the  management  of  the  paper; 
and  I  made  bold  to  give  our  rulers  some  rubs  in  it, 
which  my  brother  took  very  kindly,  while  others 
began  to  consider  me  in  an  unfavorable  light,  as  a 
young  genius  that  had  a  turn  for  libelling  and  satyr. 
My  brother's  discharge  was  accompany 'd  with  an 
order  of  the  House  (a  very  odd  one),  that  "James 
Franklin  should  no  longer  print  the  paper  called  the 
New  England  C  our  ant." 

There  was  a  consultation  held  in  our  printing- 
house  among  his  friends,  what  he  should  do  in  this 
case.  Some  proposed  to  evade  the  order  by  chang 
ing  the  name  of  the  paper;  but  my  brother,  seeing 
inconveniences  in  that,  it  was  finally  concluded  on 
as  a  better  way,  to  let  it  be  printed  for  the  future 

hi 

1  I  fancy  his  harsh  and  tyrannical  treatment  of  me  might  be  a  means 

of  impressing  me  with  that  aversion  to  arbitrary  power  that  has  stuck 
to  me  through  my  whole  life. 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  59 

under  the  name  of  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN;  and  to  • 
avoid  the  censure  of  the  Assembly,  that  might  fall  on 
him  as  still  printing  it  by  his  apprentice,  the  con 
trivance  was  that  my  old  indenture  should  be  re 
turn 'd  to  me,  with  a  full  discharge  on  the  back  of  it, 
to  be  shown  on  occasion,  but  to  secure  to  him  the 
benefit  of  my  service,  I  was  to  sign  new  indentures 
for  the  remainder  of  the  term,  which  were  to  be  kept 
private.  A  very  flimsy  scheme  it  was;  however,  it 
was  immediately  executed,  and  the  paper  went  on 
accordingly,  under  my  name  for  several  months. 

At  length,  a  fresh  difference  arising  between  my 
brother  and  me,  I  took  upon  me  to  assert  my  free 
dom,  presuming  that  he  would  not  venture  to  pro 
duce  the  new  indentures.  It  was  not  fair  in  me  to 
take  this  advantage,  and  this  I  therefore  reckon  one 
of  the  first  eSStirof  my  life ;  but  the  unfairness  of  it 
weighed  little  with  me,  when  under  the  impressions 
of  resentment  for  the  blows  his  passion  too  often 
urged  him  to  bestow  upon  me,  though  he  was  other 
wise  not  an  ill-natur'd  man:  perhaps  I  was  too  saucy 
and  provoking. 

When  he  found  I  would  leave  him,  he  took  care 
to  prevent  my  getting  employment  in  any  other 
printing-house  of  the  town,  by  going  round  and 
speaking  to  every  master,  who  accordingly  refus'd 
to  give  me  work.  I  then  thought  of  going  to  New 
York,  as  the  nearest  place  where  there  was  a  printer; 
and  I  was  rather  inclin'd  to  leave  Boston  when  I 
reflected  that  I  had  already  made  myself  a  little  ob 
noxious  to  the  governing  party,  and,  from  the  arbi 
trary  proceedings  of  the  Assembly  in  my  brother's 


60  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

case,  it  was  likely  it  might,  if  I  stay'd,  soon  bring 
myself  into  scrapes;  and  farther,  that  my  indiscrete 
disputations  about  religion  began  to  make  me 
pointed  at  with  horror  by  good  people  as  an  infidel 
or  atheist.  I  determin'd  on  the  point,  but  my  father 
now  siding  with  my  brother,  I  was  sensible  that,  if  I 
attempted  to  go  openly,  means  would  be  used  to 
prevent  me.  My  friend  Collins,  therefore,  under 
took  to  manage  a  little  for  me.  He  agreed  with  the 
captain  of  a  New  York  sloop  for  my  passage,  under 
the  notion  of  my  being  a  young  acquaintance  of  his 
that  had  got  a  naughty  girl  with  child,  whose  friends 
would  compel  me  to  marry  her,  and  therefore  I  could 
not  appear  or  come  away  publicly.  So  I  sold  some 
J2f  jny  books  to  raise  a  little  money,  was  taken  on 
board  privately,  and  as  we  had  a  fair  wind,  in  three 
days  I  found  myself  in  New  York,  near  300  miles 
from  home,  a  boy  of  but  17,*  without  the  least  re 
commendation  to  or  knowledge  of,  any  person  in  the 
place,  and  with  very  little  money  in  my  pocket. 

My  inclinations  for  the  sea  were  by  this  time 
worne  out,  or  I  might  now  have  gratify 'd  them. 
But,  having  a  trade,  and  supposing  myself  a  pretty 
good  workman,  I  offer 'd  my  service  to  the  printer  in 
the  place,  old  Mr.  William  Bradford,  who  had  been 
the  first  printer  in  Pennsylvania,  but  removed  from 
thence  upon  the  quarrel  of  George  Keith.  He  could 
give  me  no  employment,  having  little  to  do,  and  help 
enough  already;  but  says  he:  "My  son  at  Phil 
adelphia  has  lately  lost  his  principal  hand,  Aquila 
Rose,  by  death;  if  you  go  thither,  I  believe  he  may 

i  This  was  in  October,  1723. — ED. 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  6* 

employ  you."  Philadelphia  was  100  miles  farther; 
I  set  out,  however,  in  a  boat  for  Amboy,  leaving  my 
chest  and  things  to  follow  me  round  by  sea. 

In  crossing  the  bay,  we  met  with  a  squall  that  tore 
our  rotten  sails  to  pieces,  prevented  our  getting  into 
the  Kill  and  drove  us  upon  Long  Island.  In  our 
way,  a  drunken  Dutchman,  who  was  a  passenger  too, 
fell  overboard;  when  he  was  sinking,  I  reached 
through  the  water  to  his  shock  pate,  and  drew  him 
up,  so  that  we  got  him  in  again.  His  ducking 
sobered  him  a  little,  and  he  went  to  sleep,  taking 
first  out  of  his  pocket  a  book,  which  he  desir'd  I 
would  dry  for  him.  It  proved  to  be  my  old  favorite 
author,  Bunyan's  Pilgrim's  Progress  in  Dutch,  finely 
printed,  on  good  paper,  with  copper  cuts,  a  dress 
better  than  I  had  ever  seen  it  wear  in  its  own  lan 
guage.  I  have  since  found  that  it  has  been  trans 
lated  into  most  of  the  languages  of  Europe,  and 
suppose  it  has  been  more  generally  read  than  any 
other  book,  except  perhaps  the  Bible.  Honest  John 
was  the  first  that  I  know  of  who  mix'd  narration  and 
dialogue,  a  method  of  writing  very  engaging  to  the 
reader,  who,  in  the  most  interesting  parts,  finds  him 
self,  as  it  were,  brought  into  the  company,  and 
present  at  the  discourse.  De  Foe,  in  his  Cruso,  his 
Moll  Flanders,  Religious  Courtship,  Family  In 
structor,  and  other  pieces,  has  imitated  it  with  suc 
cess,  and  Richardson  has  done  the  same  in  his 
Pamela,  etc. 

When  we  drew  near  the  island,  we  found  it  was  at 
a  place  where  there  could  be  no  landing,  there  being 
a  great  surff  on  the  stony  beach.  So  we  dropt 


62  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

anchor  and  swung  round  towards  the  shore.  Some 
people  came  down  to  the  water  edge  and  hallow 'd 
to  us,  as  we  did  to  them,  but  the  wind  was  so  high, 
and  the  surff  so  loud,  that  we  could  not  hear  so  as  to 
understand  each  other.  There  were  canoes  on  the 
shore,  and  we  made  signs  and  hallow 'd  that  they 
should  fetch  us,  but  they  either  did  not  understand 
us,  or  thought  it  impracticable,  so  they  went  away, 
and  night  coming  on,  we  had  no  remedy  but  to  wait 
till  the  wind  should  abate;  and,  in  the  mean  time, 
the  boatman  and  I  concluded  to  sleep,  if  we  could; 
and  so  crowded  into  the  scuttle,  with  the  Dutchman, 
who  was  still  wet,  and  the  spray  beating  over  the 
head  of  our  boat,  leak'd  thro'  to  us,  so  that  we  were 
soon  almost  as  wet  as  he.  In  this  manner  we  lay  all 
night  with  very  little  rest ;  but,  the  wind  abating  the 
next  day,  we  made  a  shift  to  reach  Amboy  before 
night,  having  been  thirty  hours  on  the  water,  with 
out  victuals,  or  any  drink  but  a  bottle  of  filthy  rum, 
the  water  we  sailed  on  being  salt. 

In  the  evening  I  found  myself  very  feverish,  and 
went  in  to  bed;  but,  having  read  somewhere  that 
cold  water  drank  plentifully  was  good  for  a  fever,  I 
follow 'd  the  prescription,  sweat  plentifully  most  of 
the  night,  my  fever  left  me,  and  in  the  morning, 
crossing  the  ferry,  I  proceeded  on  my  journey  on  foot, 
having  fifty  miles  to  Burlington,  where  I  was  told  I 
should  find  boats  that  would  carry  me  the  rest  of  the 
way  to  Philadelphia. 

It  rained  very  hard  all  the  day;  I  was  thoroughly 
soak'd,  and  by  noon  a  good  deal  tired;  so  I  stopt  at 
a  poor  inn,  where  I  staid  all  night,  beginning  now  to 


o/JK'  tr 
1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  63 

wish  that  I  had  never  left  home.  I  cut  so  miserable 
a  figure,  too,  that  I  found,  by  the  questions  ask'd  me, 
I  was  suspected  to  be  some  runaway  servant,  and  in 
danger  of  being  taken  up  on  that  suspicion.  How 
ever,  I  proceeded  the  next  day,  and  got  in  the  even 
ing  to  an  inn,  within  eight  or  ten  miles  of  Burlington, 
kept  by  one  Dr.  Brown.  He  entered  into  conversa 
tion  with  me  while  I  took  some  refreshment,  and, 
finding  I  had  read  a  little,  became  very  sociable  and 
friendly.  Our  acquaintance  continu'd  as  long  as  he 
liv'd.  He  had  been,  I  imagine,  an  itinerant  doctor, 
for  there  was  no  town  in  England,  or  country  in 
Europe,  of  which  he  could  not  give  a  very  particular 
account.  He  had  some  letters,  and  was  ingenious, 
but  much  of  an  unbeliever,  and  wickedly  undertook, 
some  years  after,  to  travestie  the  Bible  in  doggrel 
verse,  as  Cotton  had  done  Virgil.  By  this  means  he 
set  many  of  the  facts  in  a  very  ridiculous  light,  and 
might  have  hurt  weak  minds  if  his  work  had  been 
published;  but  it  never  was. 

At  his  house  I  lay  that  night,  and  the  next  morn 
ing  reach  'd  Burlington,  but  had  the  mortification  to 
find  that  the  regular  boats  were  gone  a  little  before 
my  coming,  and  no  other  expected  to  go  before 
Tuesday,  this  being  Saturday;  wherefore  I  returned 
to  an  old  woman  in  the  town,  of  whom  I  had  bought 
gingerbread  to  eat  on  the  water,  and  I  ask'd  her  ad 
vice.  She  invited  me  to  lodge  at  her  house  till  a 
passage  by  water  should  offer;  and  being  tired  with 
my  foot  travelling,  I  accepted  the  invitation.  She 
understanding  I  was  a  printer,  would  have  had  me 
stay  at  that  town  and  follow  my  business,  being 


64  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

ignorant  of  the  stock  necessary  to  begin  with.  She 
was  very  hospitable,  gave  me  a  dinner  of  ox-cheek 
with  great  good  will,  accepting  only  of  a  pot  of  ale 
in  return ;  and  I  thought  myself  fixed  till  Tuesday 
should  come.  However,  walking  in  the  evening  by 
the  side  of  the  river,  a  boat  came  by,  which  I  found 
was  going  towards  Philadelphia,  with  several  people 
in  her.  They  took  me  in,  and,  as  there  was  no  wind, 
we  row'd  all  the  way;  and  about  midnight,  not 
having  yet  seen  the  city,  some  of  the  company  were 
confident  we  must  have  passed  it,  and  would  row  no 
farther;  the  others  knew  not  where  we  were;  so  we 
put  toward  the  shore,  got  into  a  creek,  landed  near 
an  old  fence,  with  the  rails  of  which  we  made  a  fire, 
the  night  being  cold,  in  October,  and  there  we  re 
mained  till  daylight.  Then  one  of  the  company 
knew  the  place  to  be  Cooper's  Creek,  a  little  above 
Philadelphia,  which  we  saw  as  soon  as  we  got  out  of 
the  creek,  and  arriv'd  there  about  eight  or  nine 
o'clock  on  the  Sunday  morning,  and  landed  at  the 
Market-street  wharf. 

I  have  been  the  more  particular  in  this  description 
of  my  journey,  and  shall  be  so  of  my  first  entry  into 
that  city,  that  you  may  in  your  mind  compare  such 
unlikely  beginnings  with  the  figure  I  have  since  made 
there.  I  was  in  my  working  dress,  my  best  clothes 
being  to  come  round  by  sea.  I  was  dirty  from  my 
journey;  my  pockets  were  stuff'd  out  with  shirts  and 
stockings,  and  I  knew  no  soul  nor  where  to  look  for 
lodging.  I  was  fatigued  with  travelling,  rowing, 
and  want  of  rest;  I  was  very  hungry ;  and  my  whole 
stock  of  cash  consisted  of  a  Dutch  dollar,  and  about 


1706-1730]          Benjamin  Franklin  65 

a  shilling  in  copper.  The  latter  I  gave  the  people  of 
the  boat  for  my  passage,  who  at  first  refus'd  it,  on 
account  of  my  rowing ;  but  I  insisted  on  their  taking 
it.  A  man  being  sometimes  more  generous  when  he 
has  but  a  little  money  than  when  he  has  plenty,  per 
haps  thro'  fear  of  being  thought  to  have  but  little. 

Then  I  walked  up  the  street,  gazing  about  till  near 
the  market-house  I  met  a  boy  with  bread.  I  had 
made  many  a  meal  on  bread,  and,  inquiring  where  he 
got  it,  I  went  immediately  to  the  baker's  he  directed 
me  to,  in  Second-street,  and  ask'd  for  bisket,  intend 
ing  such  as  we  had  in  Boston;  but  they,  it  seems, 
were  not  made  in  Philadelphia.  Then  I  asked  for  a 
three-penny  loaf,  and  was  told  they  had  none  such. 
So  not  considering  or  knowing  the  difference  of 
money,  and  the  greater  cheapness  nor  the  names  of 
his  bread,  I  bade  him  give  me  three-penny  worth 
of  any  sort.  He  gave  me,  accordingly,  three  great 
puffy  rolls.  I  was  surpriz'd  at  the  quantity,  but 
took  it,  and,  having  no  room  in  my  pockets,  walk'd 
off  with  a  roll  under  each  arm,  and  eating  the  other. 
Thus  I  went  up  Market-street  as  far  as  Fourth- 
street,  passing  by  the  door  of  Mr.  Read,  my  future 
wife's  father;  when  she,  standing  at  the  door,  saw 
me,  and  thought  I  made,  as  I  certainly  did,  a  most 
awkward,  ridiculous  appearance.  Then  I  turned 
and  went  down  Chestnut-street  and  part  of  Walnut- 
street,  eating  my  roll  all  the  way,  and,  coming  round, 
found  myself  again  at  Market-street  wharf,  near  the 
boat  I  came  in,  to  which  I  went  for  a  draught  of  the 
river  water;  and,  being  filled  with  one  of  my  rolls, 
gave  the  other  two  to  a  woman  and  her  child  tha.t 


66  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

came  down  the  river  in  the  boat  with  us,  and  were 
waiting  to  go  farther. 

Thus  refreshed,  I  walked  again  up  the  street, 
which  by  this  time  had  many  clean-dressed  people 
in  it,  who  were  all  walking  the  same  way.  I  joined 
them,  and  thereby  was  led  into  the  great  meeting 
house  of  the  Quakers  near  the  market.  I  sat  down 
among  them,  and,  after  looking  round  awhile  and 
hearing  nothing  said,  being  very  drowsy  thro'  labor 
and  want  of  rest  the  preceding  night,  I  fell  fast 
asleep,  and  continu'd  so  till  the  meeting  broke  up, 
when  one  was  kind  enough  to  rouse  me.  This  was, 
therefore,  the  first  house  I  was  in,  or  slept  in,  in 
Philadelphia. 

Walking  down  again  toward  the  river,  and  looking 
in  the  faces  of  people,  I  met  a  young  Quaker  man 
whose  countenance  I  lik'd,  and  accosting  him,  re 
quested  he  would  tell  me  where  a  stranger  could  get 
lodging.  We  were  then  near  the  sign  of  the  Three 
Mariners.  "Here,"  says  he,  "is  one  place  that  en 
tertains  strangers,  but  it  is  not  a  reputable  house ;  if 
thee  wilt  walk  with  me,  I  '11  show  thee  a  better." 
He  brought  me  to  the  Crooked  Billet  in  Water- 
street.  Here  I  got  a  dinner,  and,  while  I  was  eating 
it,  several  sly  questions  were  asked  me,  as  it  seemed 
to  be  suspected,  from  my  youth  and  appearance,  that 
I  might  be  some  runaway. 

After  dinner,  my  sleepiness  return 'd,  and,  being 
shown  to  a  bed,  I  lay  down  without  undressing,  and 
slept  till  six  in  the  evening;  was  call'd  to  supper, 
went  to  bed  again  very  early,  and  slept  soundly  till 
next  morning.  Then  I  made  myself  as  tidy  as  I 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  67 

could,  and  went  to  Andrew  Bradford  the  printer's. 
I  found  in  the  shop  the  old  man,  his  father,  whom  I 
had  seen  in  New  York,  and  who,  travelling  on 
horseback,  had  got  to  Philadelphia  before  me.  He 
introduc'd  me  to  his  son,  who  receiv'd  me  civilly, 
gave  me  a  breakfast,  but  told  me  he  did  not  at 
present  want  a  hand,  being  lately  suppli'd  with  one; 
but  there  was  another  printer  in  town,  lately  set  up, 
one  Keimer,  who,  perhaps,  might  employ  me;  if  not, 
I  should  be  welcome  to  lodge  at  his  house,  and  he 
would  give  me  a  little  work  to  do  now  and  then  till 
fuller  business  should  offer. 

The  old  gentleman  said  he  would  go  with  me  to 
the  new  printer;  and  when  we  found  him,  " Neigh 
bor,"  says  Bradford,  "I  have  brought  to  see  you  a 
young  man  of  your  business ;  perhaps  you  may  want 
such  a  one."  He  ask'd  me  a  few  questions,  put  a 
composing  stick  in  my  hand  to  see  how  I  work'd,  and 
then  said  he  would  employ  me  soon,  though  he  had 
just  then  nothing  for  me  to  do ;  and  taking  old  Brad 
ford,  whom  he  had  never  seen  before,  to  be  one  of 
the  town's  people  that  had  a  good  will  for  him, 
enter 'd  into  a  conversation  on  his  present  undertak 
ing  and  prospects;  while  Bradford,  not  discovering 
that  he  was  the  other  printer's  father,  on  Keimer 's 
saying  he  expected  soon  to  get  the  greatest  part  of 
the  business  into  his  own  hands,  drew  him  on  by 
artful  questions  and  starting  little  doubts,  to  explain 
all  his  views,  what  interest  he  reli'd  on,  and  in  what 
manner  he  intended  to  proceed.  I,  who  stood  by 
and  heard  all,  saw  immediately  that  one  of  them  was 
a  crafty  old  sophister,  and  the  other  a  mere  novice. 


68  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

Bradford  left  me  with  Keimer,  who  was  greatly  sur- 
pris'd  when  I  told  him  who  the  old  man  was. 

Keimer 's  printing-house,  I  found,  consisted  of  an 
old  shatter 'd  press,  and  one  small,  worn-out  font  of 
English,  which  he  was  then  using  himself,  composing 
an  Elegy  on  Aquila  Rose,  before  mentioned,  an  in 
genious  young  man,  of  excellent  character,  much 
respected  in  the  town,  clerk  of  the  Assembly,  and  a 
pretty  poet.  Keimer  made  verses  too,  but  very  in 
differently.  He  could  not  be  said  to  write  them,  for 
his  manner  was  to  compose  them  in  the  types  di 
rectly  out  of  his  head.  So  there  being  no  copy,  but 
one  pair  of  cases,  and  the  Elegy  likely  to  require  all 
the  "  letter,"  no  one  could  help  him.  I  endeavor 'd 
to  put  his  press  (which  he  had  not  yet  us'd,  and  of 
which  he  understood  nothing)  into  order  fit  to  be 
work'd  with;  and,  promising  to  come  and  print  off 
his  Elegy  as  soon  as  he  should  have  got  it  ready,  I 
return 'd  to  Bradford's,  who  gave  me  a  little  job  to 
do  for  the  present,  and  there  I  lodged  and  dieted. 
A  few  days  after,  Keimer  sent  for  me  to  print  off  the 
Elegy.  And  now  he  had  got  another  pair  of  cases, 
and  a  pamphlet  to  reprint,  on  which  he  set  me  to  work. 

These  two  printers  I  found  poorly  qualified  for 
their  business.  Bradford  had  not  been  bred  to  it, 
and  was  very  illiterate;  and  Keimer,  tho'  some 
thing  of  a  scholar,  was  a  mere  compositor,  knowing 
nothing  of  press  work.  He  had  been  one  of  the 
French  prophets,  and  could  act  their  enthusiastic 
agitations.1  At  this  time  he  did  not  profess  any 

1  M.  Laboulaye  presumes  Keimer  was  one  of  the  Camisards  or  Pro 
testants  of  the  Cevennes,  so  persecuted  by  Louis  XIV. — ED. 


r 

1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  69 

particular  religion,  but  something  of  all  on  occasion; 
was  very  ignorant  of  the  world,  and  had,  as  I  after 
ward  found,  a  good  deal  of  the  knave  in  his  com 
position.  He  did  not  like  my  lodging  at  Bradford's 
while  I  work'd  with  him.  He  had  a  house  indeed, 
but  without  furniture,  so  he  could  not  lodge  me; 
but  he  got  me  a  lodging  at  Mr.  Read's,  before  men 
tioned,  who  was  the  owner  of  his  house;  and,  my 
chest  and  clothes  being  come  by  this  time,  I  made 
rather  a  more  respectable  appearance  in  the  eyes  of 
Miss  Read  than  I  had  done  when  she  first  happen  'd 
to  see  me  eating  my  roll  in  the  street. 

I  began  now  to  have  some  acquaintance  among 
the  young  people  of  the  town,  that  were  lovers  of 
reading,  with  whom  I  spent  my  evenings  very 
pleasantly  ;  and  gaining  money  by  my  industry  and 
frugality,  I  lived  very  agreeably,  forgetting  Boston 
as  much  as  I  could,  and  not  desiring  that  any  there 
should  know  where  I  resided  except  my  friend 
Collins,  who  was  in  my  secret,  and  kept  it  when  I 
wrote  to  him.  At  length,  an  incident  happened 
that  sent  me  back  again  much  sooner  than  I  had  in 
tended.  I  had  a  brother-in-law,  Robert  Holmes, 
master  of  a  sloop  that  traded  between  Boston  and 
Delaware.  He  being  at  Newcastle,  forty  miles 
below  Philadelphia,  heard  there  of  me,  and  wrote 
me  a  letter  mentioning  the  concern  of  my  friends  in 
Boston  at  my  abrupt  departure,  assuring  me  of  their 
good  will  to  me,  and  that  every  thing  would  be  ac 
commodated  to  my  mind  if  I  would  return,  to  which 
he  exhorted  me  very  earnestly.  I  wrote  an  answer 
to  his  letter,  thank  'd  him  for  his  advice,  but  stated 


70  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

my  reasons  for  quitting  Boston  fully  and  in  such  a 
light  as  to  convince  him  I  was  not  so  wrong  as  he  had 
apprehended. 

Sir  William  Keith,  governor  of  the  province,  was 
then  at  Newcastle,  and  Captain  Holmes,  happening 
to  be  in  company  with  him  when  my  letter  came  to 
hand,  spoke  to  him  of  me,  and  show'd  him  the  letter. 
The  governor  read  it,  and  seem'd  surpris'd  when  he 
was  told  my  age.  He  said  I  appear 'd  a  young  man 
of  promising  parts,  and  therefore  should  be  encour 
aged;  the  printers  at  Philadelphia  were  wretched 
ones;  and,  if  I  would  set  up  there,  he  made  no  doubt 
I  should  succeed ;  for  his  part,  he  would  procure  me 
the  public  business,  and  do  me  every  other  service 
in  his  power.  This  my  brother-in-law  afterwards 
told  me  in  Boston,  but  I  knew  as  yet  nothing  of  it; 
when,  one  day,  Keimer  and  I  being  at  work  together 
near  the  window,  we  saw  the  governor  and  another 
gentleman  (which  proved  to  be  Colonel  French,  of 
Newcastle),  finely  dress 'd,  come  directly  across  the 
street  to  our  house,  and  heard  them  at  the  door. 

Keimer  ran  down  immediately,  thinking  it  a  visit 
to  him;  but  the  governor  inquir'd  for  me,  came  up, 
and  with  a  condescension  and  politeness  I  had  been 
quite  unus'd  to,  made  me  many  compliments,  de 
sired  to  be  acquainted  with  me,  blam'd  me  kindly 
for  not  having  made  myself  known  to  him  when  I 
first  came  to  the  place,  and  would  have  me  away 
with  him  to  the  tavern,  where  he  was  going  with 
Colonel  French  to  taste,  as  he  said,  some  excellent 
Madeira.  I  was  not  a  little  surprised,  and  Keimer 
star'd  like  a  pig  poison 'd.  I  went,  however,  with 


1706-1730]          Benjamin  Franklin  71 

the  governor  and  Colonel  French  to  a  tavern,  at  the 
corner  of  Third-street,  and  over  the  Madeira  he  pro- 
pos'd  my  setting  up  my  business,  laid  before  me  the 
probabilities  of  success,  and  both  he  and  Colonel 
French  assur'd  me  I  should  have  their  interest  and 
influence  in  procuring  the  public  business  of  both 
governments.  On  my  doubting  whether  my  father 
would  assist  me  in  it,  Sir  William  said  he  would  give 
me  a  letter  to  him,  in  which  he  would  state  the  ad 
vantages,  and  he  did  not  doubt  of  prevailing  with 
him.  So  it  was  concluded  I  should  return  to  Boston 
in  the  first  vessel,  with  the  governor's  letter  recom 
mending  me  to  my  father.  In  the  mean  time  the 
intention  was  to  be  kept  a  secret,  and  I  went  on 
working  with  Keimer  as  usual,  the  governor  sending 
for  me  now  and  then  to  dine  with  him,  a  very  great 
honor  I  thought  it,  and  conversing  with  me  in 
the  most  affable,  familiar,  and  friendly  manner 
imaginable. 

About  the  end  of  April,  1724,  a  little  vessel  offer 'd 
for  Boston.  I  took  leave  of  Keimer  as  going  to  see 
my  friends.  The  governor  gave  me  an  ample  letter, 
saying  many  flattering  things  of  me  to  my  father, 
and  strongly  recommending  the  project  of  my  setting 
up  at  Philadelphia  as  a  thing  that  must  make  my 
fortune.  We  struck  on  a  shoal  in  going  down  the 
bay,  and  sprung  a  leak ;  we  had  a  blustering  time  at 
sea,  and  were  oblig'd  to  pump  almost  continually,  at 
which  I  took  my  turn.  We  arriv'd  safe,  however, 
at  Boston  in  about  a  fortnight.  I  had  been  absent 
seven  months,  and  my  friends  had  heard  nothing  of 
me;  for  my  Br.  Holmes  was  not  yet  return'd.  and 


72  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

had  not  written  about  me.  My  unexpected  appear 
ance  surpriz'd  the  family;  all  were,  however,  very 
glad  to  see  me,  and  made  me  welcome,  except  my 
brother.  I  went  to  see  him  at  his  printing-house. 
I  was  better  dress 'd  than  ever  while  in  his  service, 
having  a  genteel  new  suit  from  head  to  foot,  a  watch, 
and  my  pockets  lin'd  with  near  five  pounds  sterling 
in  silver.  He  receiv'd  me  not  very  frankly,  look'd 
me  all  over,  and  turn'd  to  his  work  again. 

The  journeymen  were  inquisitive  where  I  had 
been,  what  sort  of  a  country  it  was,  and  how  I  lik'd 
it.  I  prais'd  it  much,  and  the  happy  life  I  led  in  it, 
expressing  strongly  my  intention  of  returning  to  it; 
and,  one  of  them  asking  what  kind  of  money  we  had 
there,  I  produc'd  a  handful  of  silver,  and  spread  it 
before  them,  which  was  a  kind  of  raree-show  they 
had  not  been  us'd  to,  paper  being  the  money  of 
Boston.  Then  I  took  an  opportunity  of  letting 
them  see  my  watch;  and,  lastly  (my  brother  still 
grum  and  sullen),  I  gave  him  a  piece  of  eight  to 
drink,  and  took  my  leave.  This  visit  of  mine  of 
fended  him  extreamly;  for,  when  my  mother  some 
time  after  spoke  to  him  of  a  reconciliation,  and  of 
her  wishes  to  see  us  on  good  terms  together,  and 
that  we  might  live  for  the  future  as  brothers,  he  said 
I  had  insulted  him  in  such  a  manner  before  his  peo 
ple  that  he  could  never  forget  or  forgive  it.  In  this, 
however,  he  was  mistaken. 

My  father  received  the  governor's  letter  with  some 
apparent  surprise,  but  said  little  of  it  to  me  for  some 
days,  when  Capt.  Holmes  returning  he  show'd  it  to 
him,  ask'd  him  if  he  knew  Keith,  and  what  kind  of 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  73 

man  he  was;  adding  his  opinion  that  he  must  be  of 
small  discretion  to  think  of  setting  a  boy  up  in  busi 
ness  who  wanted  yet  three  years  of  being  at  man's 
estate.  Holmes  said  what  he  could  in  favor  of  the 
project,  but  my  father  was  clear  in  the  impropriety 
of  it,  and  at  last  gave  a  flat  denial  to  it.  Then  he 
wrote  a  civil  letter  to  Sir  William,  thanking  him  for 
the  patronage  he  had  so  kindly  offered  me,  but  de 
clining  to  assist  me  as  yet  in  setting  up,  I  being,  in 
his  opinion,  too  young  to  be  trusted  with  the  manage 
ment  of  a  business  so  important,  and  for  which  the 
preparation  must  be  so  expensive. 

My  friend  and  companion  Collins,  who  was  a 
clerk  in  the  post-office,  pleas 'd  with  the  account  I 
gave  him  of  my  new  country,  determined  to  go 
thither  also;  and,  while  I  waited  for  my  father's 
determination,  he  set  out  before  me  by  land  to 
Rhode  Island,  leaving  his  books,  which  were  a  pretty 
collection  of  mathematicks  and  natural  philosophy, 
to  come  with  mine  and  me  to  New  York,  where  he 
propos'd  to  wait  for  me. 

My  father,  tho'  he  did  not  approve  Sir  William's 
proposition,  was  yet  pleas 'd  that  I  had  been  able  to 
obtain  so  advantageous  a  character  from  a  person  of 
such  note  where  I  had  resided,  and  that  I  had  been 
so  industrious  and  careful  as  to  equip  myself  so 
handsomely  in  so  short  a  time;  therefore,  seeing  no 
prospect  of  an  accommodation  between  my  brother 
and  me,  he  gave  his  consent  to  my  returning  again 
to  Philadelphia,  advis'd  me  to  behave  respectfully 
to  the  people  there,  endeavor  to  obtain  the  general 
esteem,  and  avoid  lampooning  and  libelling,  to  which 


74  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

he  thought  I  had  too  much  inclination;  telling  me, 
that  by  steady  industry  and  a  prudent  parsimony  I 
might  save  enough  by  the  time  I  was  one-and- 
twenty  to  set  me  up;  and  that,  if  I  came  near  the 
matter,  he  would  help  me  out  with  the  rest.  This 
was  all  I  could  obtain,  except  some  small  gifts  as 
tokens  of  his  and  my  mother's  love,  when  I  embark 'd 
again  for  New  York,  now  with  their  approbation  and 
their  blessing. 

The  sloop  putting  in  at  Newport,  Rhode  Island, 
I  visited  my  brother  John,  who  had  been  married 
and  settled  there  some  years.  He  received  me 
very  affectionately,  for  he  always  lov'd  me.  A 
friend  of  his,  one  Vernon,  having  some  money  due 
to  him  in  Pensilvania,  about  thirty-five  pounds  cur 
rency,  desired  I  would  receive  it  for  him,  and  keep  it 
till  I  had  his  directions  what  to  remit  it  in.  Ac 
cordingly  he  gave  me  an  order.  This  afterwards 
occasion'd  me  a  good  deal  of  uneasiness. 

At  Newport  we  took  in  a  number  of  passengers  for 
New  York,  among  which  were  two  young  women, 
companions,  and  a  grave,  sensible,  matron-like 
Quaker  woman,  with  her  attendants.  I  had  shown 
an  obliging  readiness  to  do  her  some  little  services, 
which  impress 'd  her  I  suppose  with  a  degree  of  good 
will  toward  me;  therefore,  when  she  saw  a  daily 
growing  familiarity  between  me  and  the  two  young 
women,  which  they  appear 'd  to  encourage,  she  took 
me  aside,  and  said:  'Young  man,  I  am  concern'd 
for  thee,  as  thou  has  no  friend  with  thee,  and  seems 
not  to  know  much  of  the  world,  or  of  the  snares 
youth  is  expos'd  to;  depend  upon  it,  those  are  very 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  75 

bad  women ;  I  can  see  it  in  all  their  actions ;  and  if 
thee  art  not  upon  thy  guard,  they  will  draw  thee 
into  some  danger;  they  are  strangers  to  thee,  and  I 
advise  thee,  in  a  friendly  concern  for  thy  welfare,  to 
have  no  acquaintance  with  them."  As  I  seem'd 
at  first  not  to  think  so  ill  of  them  as  she  did,  she 
mentioned  some  things  she  had  observ'd  and  heard 
that  had  escap'd  my  notice,  but  now  convinc'd  me 
she  was  right.  I  thank 'd  her  for  her  kind  advice, 
and  promis'd  to  follow  it.  When  we  arriv'd  at  New 
York,  they  told  me  where  they  liv'd,  and  invited  me 
to  come  and  see  them;  but  I  avoided  it,  and  it  was 
well  I  did;  for  the  next  day  the  captain  miss'd  a 
silver  spoon  and  some  other  things,  that  had  been 
taken  out  of  his  cabbin,  and  knowing  that  these 
were  a  couple  of  strumpets,  he  got  a  warrant  to 
search  their  lodgings,  found  the  stolen  goods,  and 
had  the  thieves  punish 'd.  So,  tho'  we  had  escap'd 
a  sunken  rock,  which  we  scrap'd  upon  in  the  passage, 
I  thought  this  escape  of  rather  more  importance  to^  •• 
me. 

At  New  York  I  found  my  friend  Collins,  who  had 
arriv'd  there  some  time  before  me.  We  had  been 
intimate  from  children,  and  had  read  the  same  books 
together;  but  he  had  the  advantage  of  more  time 
for  reading  and  studying,  and  a  wonderful  genius  for 
mathematical  learning,  in  which  he  far  outstript  me. 
While  I  liv'd  in  Boston,  most  of  my  hours  of  leisure 
for  conversation  were  spent  with  him,  and  he  con- 
tinu'd  a  sober  as  well  as  an  industrious  lad;  was 
much  respected  for  his  learning  by  several  of  the 
clergy  and  other  gentlemen,  and  seemed  to  promise 


76  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

making  a  good  figure  in  life.  But,  during  my  ab 
sence,  he  had  acquir'd  a  habit  of  sotting  with  brandy; 
and  I  found  by  his  own  account,  and  what  I  heard 
from  others,  that  he  had  been  drunk  every  day  since 
his  arrival  at  New  York,  and  behav'd  very  oddly. 
He  had  gam'd,  too,  and  lost  his  money,  so  that  I 
was  oblig'd  to  discharge  his  lodgings,  and  defray  his 
expenses  to  and  at  Philadelphia,  which  prov'd 
extreamly  inconvenient  to  me. 

The  then  governor  of  New  York,  Burnet  (son  of 
Bishop  Burnet),1  hearing  from  the  captain  that  a 

1  Governor  Burnet  was  appointed  governor  of  the  Colony  of  New 
York  and  New  Jersey  on  the  igth  of  April,  1720.  He  entered  upon 
the  duties  of  his  office  in  September  following.  He  was  a  man  of 
scholarly  tastes,  fond  of  accumulating  books,  with  a  turn  for  theological 
speculation,  which  he  indulged  in  making  a  commentary  upon  the  three 
periods  contained  in  the  twelfth  chapter  of  Daniel.  The  governor 
married  a  daughter  of  Cornelius  Van  Home,  of  New  York,  who  died 
soon.  He  was  transferred  to  the  governorship  of  Boston  in  July,  1728. 
His  administration  there,  however,  was  not  of  long  duration.  He  was 
taken  ill  from  exposure  on  a  fishing  excursion,  and  died  on  the  7th  of 
September,  1729. 

The  governor's  interest  in  theology  did  not  commend  him  especially 
to  the  authorities  at  home. 

The  Bishop  of  London  complained  that  clergymen  already  provided 
with  his  license  to  preach  in  the  colonies  were  subject  to  a  new  ex 
amination,  conducted  in  a  somewhat  unusual  manner  by  the  governor. 

"Your  method  [wrote  Richard  West,  the  governor's  brother-in-law, 
Solicitor-General  to  the  Board  of  Trade]  is  to  prescribe  him  a  text,  to 
give  him  a  Bible  for  his  companion,  and  then  lock  him  into  a  room 
by  himself,  and  if  he  does  not  in  some  stated  time  produce  a  sermon  to 
your  satisfaction,  you  peremptorily  refuse  to  grant  him  your  instru 
ment  (permission  to  preach).  The  consequence  is,  the  man  must 
starve.  ...  I  have  seen  a  great  many  complaints  against  govern 
ors,  but  then  nobody  was  surprised,  because  I  could  always  give  some 
pecuniary  reason  for  what  they  had  done.  You  surely  are  the  first 
who  ever  brought  himself  into  difficulties  by  an  inordinate  care  of  souls; 
and  I  am  sure  that  makes  no  part  of  your  commission." 

For  an  account  of  this  worthy  man,  see  Whitehead's  Contributions 
to  East  Jersey  History,  pp.  156-168. — ED. 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  77 

young  man,  one  of  his  passengers,  had  a  great  many 
books,  desir'd  he  would  bring  me  to  see  him.  I 
waited  upon  him  accordingly,  and  should  have  taken 
Collins  with  me,  but  that  he  was  not  sober.  The 
gov'r.  treated  me  with  great  civility,  show'd  me  his 
library,  which  was  a  very  large  one,  and  we  had  a 
good  deal  of  conversation  about  books  and  authors. 
This  was  the  second  governor  who  had  done  me  the  f\ 
honor  to  take  notice  of  me,  which,  to  a  poor  boy  like 
me,  was  very  pleasing. 

We  proceeded  to  Philadelphia.  I  received  on 
the  way  Vernon's  money,  without  which  we  could 
hardly  have  finish 'd  our  journey.  Collins  wished  to 
be  employ 'd  in  some  counting-house,  but,  whether 
they  disco ver'd  his  dramming  by  his  breath,  or  by 
his  behaviour,  tho'  he  had  some  recommendations, 
he  met  with  no  success  in  any  application,  and  con 
tinued  lodging  and  boarding  at  the  same  house  with 
me,  and  at  my  expense.  Knowing  I  had  that  money 
of  Vernon's,  he  was  continually  borrowing  of  me, 
still  promising  repayment  as  soon  as  he  should  be  in 
business.  At  length  he  had  got  so  much  of  it,  that 
I  was  distress 'd  to  think  what  I  should  do  in  case  of 
being  call'd  on  to  remit  it. 

His  drinking  continu'd,  about  which  we  sometimes 
quarrel' d,  for,  when  a  little  intoxicated,  he  was  very 
fractious.  Once,  in  a  boat  on  the  Delaware  with 
some  other  young  men,  he  refused  to  row  in  his  turn. 
"  I  will  be  row'd  home,"  says  he.  "  We  will  not  row 
you,"  says  I.  "  You  must,  or  stay  all  night  on  the 
water,"  says  he,  "just  as  you  please."  The  others 
said:  "Let  us  row:  what  signifies  it?"  But  my 


78  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

mind  being  soured  with  his  other  conduct,  I  con- 
tinu'd  to  refuse.  So  he  swore  he  would  make  me 
row,  or  throw  me  overboard;  and  coming  along, 
stepping  on  the  thwarts,  toward  me,  when  he  came 
up  and  struck  at  me,  I  clapped  my  hand  under  his 
crutch,  and  rising,  pitched  him  head-foremost  into 
the  river.  I  knew  he  was  a  good  swimmer,  and  so 
was  under  little  concern  about  him;  but  before  he 
could  get  round  to  lay  hold  of  the  boat,  we  had,  with 
a  few  strokes,  pull'd  her  out  of  his  reach,  and  ever 
when  he  drew  near  the  boat,  we  ask'd  if  he  would 
row,  striking  a  few  strokes  to  slide  her  away  from 
him.  He  was  ready  to  die  with  vexation,  and  ob 
stinately  would  not  promise  to  row.  However,  see 
ing  him  at  last  beginning  to  tire,  we  lifted  him  in, 
and  brought  him  home  dripping  wet  in  the  evening. 
We  hardly  exchang'd  a  civil  word  afterwards,  and  a 
West  India  captain,  who  had  a  commission  to  pro 
cure  a  tutor  for  the  sons  of  a  gentleman  at  Barbadoes, 
happening  to  meet  with  him,  agreed  to  carry  him 
thither.  He  left  me  then,  promising  to  remit  me  the 
first  money  he  should  receive,  in  order  to  discharge 
the  debt,  but  I  never  heard  of  him  after. 

The  breaking  into  this  money  of  Vernon's  was  one 
of  the  first  great  errata  of  my  life,  and  this  affair 
show'd  that  my  father  was  not  much  out  in  his  judg 
ment  when  he  suppos'd  me  too  young  to  manage 
business  of  importance.  But  Sir  William,  on  read 
ing  his  letter,  said  he  was  too  prudent.  There  was 
great  difference  in  persons,  and  discretion  did  not 
always  accompany  years,  nor  was  youth  always 
without  it.  "  And  since  he  will  not  set  you  up, "  says 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  79 

he,  "  I  will  do  it  myself.  Give  me  an  inventory  of 
the  things  necessary  to  be  had  from  England,  and 
I  will  send  for  them.  You  shall  repay  me  when  you 
are  able;  I  am  resolv'd  to  have  a  good  printer  here, 
and  I  am  sure  you  must  succeed. ' '  This  was  spoken 
with  such  an  appearance  of  cordiality,  that  I  had 
not  the  least  doubt  of  his  meaning  what  he  said.  I 
had  hitherto  kept  the  proposition  of  my  setting  up, 
a  secret  in  Philadelphia,  and  I  still  kept  it.  Had  it 
been  known  that  I  depended  on  the  governor,  prob 
ably  some  friend  that  knew  him  better  would  have 
advis'd  me  not  to  rely  on  him,  as  I  afterwards  heard 
it  as  his  known  character  to  be  liberal  of  promises 
which  he  never  meant  to  keep.  Yet,  unsolicited  as 
he  was  by  me,  how  could  I  think  his  generous  offers 
insincere?  I  believ'd  him  one  of  the  best  men  in 
the  world. 

I  presented  him  an  inventory  of  a  little  print  'g- 
house,  amounting  by  my  computation  to  about  one 
hundred  pounds  sterling.  He  lik'd  it,  but  ask'd  me 
if  my  being  on  the  spot  in  England  to  chuse  the 
types,  and  see  that  every  thing  was  good  of  the  kind, 
might  not  be  of  some  advantage.  "  Then,"  says  he, 
"when  there,  you  may  make  acquaintances,  and 
establish  correspondences  in  the  bookselling  and 
stationery  way."  I  agreed  that  this  might  be  ad 
vantageous.  'Then,"  says  he,  "get  yourself  ready 
to  go  with  Annis ' ' ;  which  was  the  annual  ship,  and 
the  only  one  at  that  time  usually  passing  between 
London  and  Philadelphia.  But  it  would  be  some 
months  before  Annis  sail'd,  so  I  continu'd  working 
with  Keimer,  fretting  about  the  money  Collins  had 


8o  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

got  from  me,  and  in  daily  apprehensions  of  being 
call'd  upon  by  Vernon,  which,  however,  did  not 
happen  for  some  years  after. 

I  believe  I  have  omitted  mentioning  that,  in  my 
first  voyage  from  Boston,  being  becalm 'd  off  Block 
Island,  our  people  set  about  catching  cod,  and 
hauled  up  a  great  many.  Hitherto  I  had  stuck  to 
my  resolution  of  not  eating  animal  food,  and  on  this 
occasion  I  consider 'd,  with  my  master  Tryon,  the 
taking  every  fish  as  a  kind  of  unprovoked  murder, 
since  none  of  them  had,  or  ever  could  do  us  any 
injury  that  might  justify  the  slaughter.  All  this 
seemed  very  reasonable.  But  I  had  formerly  been 
a  great  lover  of  fish,  and,  when  this  came  hot  out  of 
the  frying-pan,  it  smelt  admirably  well.  I  balanc'd 
some  time  between  principle  and  inclination,  till  I 
recollected  that,  when  the  fish  were  opened,  I  saw 
smaller  fish  taken  out  of  their  stomachs;  then 
thought  I,  "If  you  eat  one  another,  I  don't  see  why 
we  mayn't  eat  you."  So  I  din'd  upon  cod  very 
heartily,  and  continued  to  eat  with  other  people, 
returning  only  now  and  then  occasionally  to  a 
vegetable  diet.  So  convenient  a  thing  it  is  to  be  a 
reasonable  creature,  since  it  enables  one  to  find  or 
make  a  reason  for  every  thing  one  has  a  mind  to  do. 

Keimer  and  I  liv'd  on  a  pretty  good  familiar  foot 
ing,  and  agreed  tolerably  well,  for  he  suspected 
nothing  of  my  setting  up.  He  retained  a  great  deal 
of  his  old  enthusiasms  and  lov'd  argumentation.  We 
therefore  had  many  disputations.  I  used  to  work 
him  so  with  my  Socratic  method,  and  had  trepann'd 
him  so  often  by  questions  apparently  so  distant 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  81 

from  any  point  we  had  in  hand,  and  yet  by  degrees 
lead  to  the  point,  and  brought  him  into  difficulties 
and  contradictions,  that  at  last  he  grew  ridiculously 
cautious,  and  would  hardly  answer  me  the  most 
common  question,  without  asking  first:  "What  do 
you  intend  to  infer  from  that  ? ' '  However,  it  gave 
him  so  high  an  opinion  of  my  abilities  in  the  con 
futing  way,  that  he  seriously  proposed  my  being  his 
colleague  in  a  project  he  had  of  setting  up  a  new  sect. 
He  was  to  preach  the  doctrines,  and  I  was  to  con 
found  all  opponents.  When  he  came  to  explain 
with  me  upon  the  doctrines,  I  found  several  conun 
drums  which  I  objected  to,  unless  I  might  have  my 
way  a  little  too,  and  introduce  some  of  mine. 

Keimer  wore  his  beard  at  full  length,  because 
somewhere  in  the  Mosaic  law  it  is  said:  "  Thou  shall 
not  mar  Ike  corners  of  thy  beard."  He  likewise  kept 
the  Seventh  day,  Sabbath;  and  these  two  points 
were  essentials  with  him.  I  dislik'd  both;  but 
agreed  to  admit  them  upon  condition  of  his  adopting 
the  doctrine  of  using  no  animal  food.  "I  doubt," 
said  he,  "my  constitution  will  not  bear  that."  I 
assur'd  him  it  would,  and  that  he  would  be  the  better 
for  it.  He  was  usually  a  great  glutton,  and  I  pro 
mised  myself  some  diversion  in  half  starving  him.. 
He  agreed  to  try  the  practice,  if  I  would  keep  him 
company.  I  did  so,  and  we  held  it  for  three  months. 
We  had  our  victuals  dress 'd,  and  brought  to  us 
regularly  by  a  woman  in  the  neighborhood,  who  had 
from  me  a  list  of  forty  dishes,  to  be  prepar'd  for  us 
at  different  times,  in  all  which  there  was  neither  fish, 
flesh,  nor  fowl,  and  the  whim  suited  me  the  better 


82  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

at  this  time  from  the  cheapness  of  it,  not  costing  us 
above  eighteen  pence  sterling  each  per  week.  I  have 
since  kept  several  Lents  most  strictly,  leaving  the 
common  diet  for  that,  and  that  for  the  common, 
abruptly,  without  the  least  inconvenience,  so  that  I 
think  there  is  little  in  the  advice  of  making  those 
changes  by  easy  gradations.  I  went  on  pleasantly, 
but  poor  Keimer  suffered  grievously,  tired  of  the 
project,  long'd  for  the  flesh-pots  of  Egypt,  and 
order'd  a  roast  pig.  He  invited  me  and  two  women 
friends  to  dine  with  him;  but,  it  being  brought  too 
soon  upon  table,  he  could  not  resist  the  temptation, 
and  ate  the  whole  before  we  came. 

I  had  made  some  courtship  during  this  time  to 
Miss  Read.  I  had  a  great  respect  and  affection  for 
her,  and  had  some  reason  to  believe  she  had  the  same 
for  me;  but,  as  I  was  about  to  take  a  long  voyage, 
and  we  were  both  very  young,  only  a  little  above 
eighteen,  it  was  thought  most  prudent  by  her  mother 
to  prevent  our  going  too  far  at  present,  as  a  mar 
riage,  if  it  was  to  take  place,  would  be  more  con 
venient  after  my  return,  when  I  should  be,  as  I 
expected,  set  up  in  my  business.  Perhaps,  too,  she 
thought  my  expectations  not  so  well  founded  as  I 
imagined  them  to  be. 

My  chief  acquaintances  at  this  time  were  Charles 
Osborne,  Joseph  Watson,  and  James  Ralph,  all 
lovers  of  reading.  The  two  first  were  clerks  to  an 
eminent  scrivener  or  conveyancer  in  the  town, 
Charles  Brogden;  the  other  was  clerk  to  a  merchant. 
Watson  was  a  pious,  sensible  young  man,  of  great  in 
tegrity;  the  others  rather  more  lax  in  their  princi- 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  83 

pies  of  religion,  particularly  Ralph,  who,  as  well  as 
Collins,  had  been  unsettled  by  me,  for  which  they 
both  made  me  suffer.  Osborne  was  sensible,  candid, 
frank;  sincere  and  affectionate  to  his  friends;  but, 
in  literary  matters,  too  fond  of  criticising.  Ralph 
was  ingenious,  genteel  in  his  manners,  and  ex 
tremely  eloquent;  I  think  I  never  knew  a  prettier 
talker.  Both  of  them  great  admirers  of  poetry, 
and  began  to  try  their  hands  in  little  pieces. 
Many  pleasant  walks  we  four  had  together  on 
Sundays  into  the  woods,  near  Schuylkill,  where  we 
read  to  one  another,  and  conferred  on  what  we 
read. 

Ralph  was  inclin'd  to  pursue  the  study  of  poetry, 
not  doubting  but  he  might  become  eminent  in  it,  and 
make  his  fortune  by  it,  alleging  that  the  best  poets 
must,  when  they  first  begin  to  write,  make  as  many 
faults  as  he  did.  Osborne  dissuaded  him,  assur'd 
him  he  had  no  genius  for  poetry,  and  ad  vis 'd  him  to 
think  of  nothing  beyond  the  business  he  was  bred  to ; 
that,  in  the  mercantile  way,  tho'  he  had  no  stock, 
he  might,  by  his  diligence  and  punctuality,  recom 
mend  himself  to  employment  as  a  factor,  and  in  time 
acquire  wherewith  to  trade  on  his  own  account.  I 
approv'd  the  amusing  one's  self  with  poetry  now  and 
then,  so  far  as  to  improve  one's  language,  but  no 
farther. 

On  this  it  was  propos'd  that  we  should  each  of  us, 
at  our  next  meeting,  produce  a  piece  of  our  own 
composing,  in  order  to  improve  by  our  mutual  ob 
servations,  criticisms,  and  corrections.  As  language 
and  expression  were  what  we  had  in  view,  we  ex- 


84  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

eluded  all  considerations  of  invention  by  agreeing 
that  the  task  should  be  a  version  of  the  eighteenth 
Psalm,  which  describes  the  descent  of  a  Deity. 
When  the  time  of  our  meeting  drew  nigh,  Ralph 
called  on  me  first,  and  let  me  know  his  piece  was 
ready.  I  told  him  I  had  been  busy,  and,  having  little 
inclination,  had  done  nothing.  He  then  show'd  me 
his  piece  for  my  opinion,  and  I  much  approv'd  it,  as 
it  appear'd  to  me  to  have  great  merit.  "Now," 
says  he,  "  Osborne  never  will  allow  the  least  merit  in 
any  thing  of  mine,  but  makes  1,000  criticisms  out 
of  mere  envy.  He  is  not  so  jealous  of  you;  I  wish, 
therefore,  you  would  take  this  piece,  and  produce  it 
as  yours;  I  will  pretend  not  to  have  had  time,  and 
so  produce  nothing.  We  shall  then  see  what  he  will 
say  to  it."  It  was  agreed,  and  I  immediately 
transcrib'd  it,  that  it  might  appear  in  my  own  hand. 
We  met;  Watson's  performance  was  read;  there 
were  some  beauties  in  it,  but  many  defects.  Os 
borne 's  was  read;  it  was  much  better;  Ralph  did  it 
justice;  remarked  some  faults,  but  applauded  the 
beauties.  He  himself  had  nothing  to  produce.  I 
was  backward;  seemed  desirous  of  being  excused; 
had  not  had  sufficient  time  to  correct,  etc. ;  but  no 
excuse  could  be  admitted;  produce  I  must.  It  was 
read  and  repeated;  Watson  and  Osborne  gave  up 
the  contest,  and  join'd  in  applauding  it.  Ralph 
only  made  some  criticisms,  and  propos'd  some 
amendments ;  but  I  defended  my  text.  Osborne  was 
against  Ralph,  and  told  him  he  was  no  better  a 
critic  than  poet,  so  he  dropt  the  argument.  As  they 
two  went  home  together,  Osborne  expressed  himself 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  85 

still  more  strongly  in  favor  of  what  he  thought  my 
production;  having  restrain'd  himself  before,  as  he 
said,  lest  I  should  think  it  flattery.  "  But  who 
would  have  imagin'd,"  said  he,  "that  Franklin  had 
been  capable  of  such  a  performance;  such  painting, 
such  force,  such  fire!  He  has  even  improv'd  the 
original.  In  his  common  conversation  he  seems  to 
have  no  choice  of  words ;  he  hesitates  and  blunders ; 
and  yet,  good  God!  how  he  writes! "  When  we  next 
met,  Ralph  discovered  the  trick  we  had  plaid  him, 
and  Osborne  was  a  little  laught  at. 

This  transaction  fixed  Ralph  in  his  resolution  of 
becoming  a  poet.  I  did  all  I  could  to  dissuade  him 
from  it,  but  he  continued  scribbling  verses  till  Pope 
cured  him.1  He  became,  however,  a  pretty  good 
prose  writer.  More  of  him  hereafter.  But,  as  I 
may  not  have  jccasion  again  to  Mention  the  other 
two,  I  shall  just  remark  here,  that  Watson  died  in 
my  arms  a  few  years  after,  much  lamented,  being  the 
best  of  our  set.  Osborne  went  to  the  West  Indies, 
where  he  became  an  eminent  lawyer  and  made 
money,  but  died  young.  He  and  I  had  made  a 

1  In  one  of  the  later  editions  of  the  Dunciad  occur  the  following 
lines : 

"Silence,  ye  wolves!  while  Ralph  to  Cynthia  howls, 
And  makes  Night  hideous — answer  him,  ye  owls." 

Book  iii.,  line  165. 

To  this  the  poet  adds  the  following  note: 

"James  Ralph,  a  name  inserted  after  the  first  editions,  not  known  till 
he  writ  a  swearing-piece  called  Sawney,  very  abusive  of  Dr.  Swift,  Mr. 
Gay,  and  myself.  These  lines  allude  to  a  thing  of  his  entitled  Night,  a 
poem.  This  low  writer  attended  his  own  works  with  panegyrics  in  the 
journals,  and  once  in  particular  praised  himself  highly  above  Mr. 
Addison,  in  wretched  remarks  upon  that  author's  account  of  English 
poets,  printed  in  a  London  journal,  September,  1728.  He  was  wholly 


%6  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

serious  agreement,  that  the  one  who  happen'd  first 
to  die  should,  if  possiBer'make  a  friendly  visit  to  the 
other,  and  acquaint  him  how  he  found  things  in  that 
separate  state.  But  he  never  fulfill' d  his  promise. 

The  governor,  seeming  to  like  my  company,  had 
me  frequently  to  his  house,  and  his  setting  me  up 
was  always  mention'd  as  a  fixed  thing.  I  was  to 
take  with  me  letters  recommendatory  to  a  number 
of  his  friends,  besides  the  letter  of  credit  to  furnish 
me  with  the  necessary  money  for  purchasing  the 
press  and  types,  paper,  etc.  For  these  letters  I  was 
appointed  to  call  at  different  times,  when  they  were 
to  be  ready  ;  but  a  future  time  was  still  named. 
Thus  he  went  on  till  the  ship,  whose  departure  too 
had  been  several  times  postponed,  was  on  the  point 
of  sailing.  Then,  when  I  call'd  to  take  my  leave  and 
receive  the  letters,  his  secretary,  Dr.  Bard,  came  out 
to  me  and  said  the  governor  was  extremely  busy  in 
writing,  but  would  be  down  at  Newcastle  before  the 
ship,  and  there  the  letters  would  be  delivered  to  me. 

Ralph,  though  married,  and  having  one  child,  had 
determined  to  accompany  me  in  this  voyage.  It 
was  thought  he  intended  to  establish  a  correspond 
ence,  and  obtain  goods  to  sell  on  commission;  but 

illiterate  and  knew  no  language,  not  even  French.  Being  advised  to 
read  the  rules  of  dramatic  poetry  before  he  began  a  play,  he  smiled  and 
replied,  'Shakespeare  writ  without  rules.'  He  ended  at  last  in  the 
common  sink  of  all  such  writers,  a  political  newspaper,  to  which  he  was 
recommended  by  his  friend  Arnal,  and  received  a  small  pittance  for 
pay ;  and  being  detected  in  writing  on  both  sides  on  one  and  the  same 
day,  he  publicly  justified  the  morality  of  his  conduct." 

In  the  first  book  of  the  Dunciad,  line  215,  there  is  another  allusion  to 
Ralph: 

"And  see!  the  very  Gazetteers  give  o'er, 
Ev'n  Ralph  repents,  and  Henley  writes  no  more." 

—ED. 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  87 

I  found  afterwards,  that,  thro'  some  discontent  with 
his  wife's  relations,  he  purposed  to  leave  her  on  their 
hands,  and  never  return  again.  Having  taken  leave 
of  my  friends,  and  interchang'd  some  promises  with 
Miss  Read,  I  left  Philadelphia  in  the  ship,  which 
anchor 'd  at  Newcastle.  The  governor  was  there; 
but  when  I  went  to  his  lodging,  the  secretary  came 
to  me  from  him  with  the  civillest  message  in  the 
world,  that  he  could  not  then  see  me,  being  engaged 
in  business  of  the  utmost  importance,  but  should 
send  the  letters  to  me  on  board,  wish'd  me  heartily 
a  good  voyage  and  a  speedy  return,  etc.  I  returned 
on  board  a  little  puzzled,  but  still  not  doubting. 

Mr.  Andrew  Hamilton,  a  famous  lawyer  of  Phila 
delphia,  had  taken  passage  in  the  same  ship  for 
himself  and  son,  and  with  Mr.  Denham,  a  Quaker 
merchant,  and  Messrs.  Onion  and  Russel,  masters  of 
an  iron  work  in  Maryland,  had  engag'd  the  great 
cabin;  so  that  Ralph  and  I  were  forced  to  take  up 
with  a  berth  in  the  steerage,  and  none  on  board 
knowing  us,  were  considered  as  ordinary  persons. 
But  Mr.  Hamilton  and  his  son  (it  was  James,  since 
governor)  return 'd  from  Newcastle  to  Philadelphia, 
the  father  being  recall'd  by  a  great  fee  to  plead  for 
a  seized  ship;  and,  just  before  we  sail'd,  Colonel 
French  coming  on  board,  and  showing  me  great  re 
spect,  I  was  more  taken  notice  of,  and,  with  my 
friend  Ralph,  invited  by  the  other  gentlemen  to 
come  into  the  cabin,  there  being  now  room.  Ac 
cordingly,  we  remov'd  thither. 

Understanding  that  Colonel  French  had  brought 
on  board  the  governor's  despatches,  I  ask'd  the  cap- 


88  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

tain  for  those  letters  that  were  to  be  under  my  care. 
He  said  all  were  put  into  the  bag  together  and  he 
could  not  then  come  at  them ;  but  before  we  landed 
in  England,  I  should  have  an  opportunity  of  picking 
them  out ;  so  I  was  satisfied  for  the  present,  and  we 
proceeded  on  our  voyage  We  had  a  sociable  com 
pany  in  the  cabin,  and  lived  uncommonly  well,  hav 
ing  the  addition  of  all  Mr.  Hamilton's  stores,  who 
had  laid  in  plentifully.  In  this  passage  Mr.  Denham 
contracted  a  friendship  for  me  that  continued  during 
his  life.  The  voyage  was  otherwise  not  a  pleasant 
one,  as  we  had  a  great  deal  of  bad  weather. 

When  we  came  into  the  Channel,  the  captain  kept 
his  word  with  me,  and  gave  me  an  opportunity  of 
examining  the  bag  for  the  governor's  letters.  I 
found  none  upon  which  my  name  was  put  as  under 
my  care.  I  picked  out  six  or  seven,  that,  by  the 
handwriting,  I  thought  might  be  the  promised  let 
ters,  especially  as  one  of  them  was  directed  to  Basket, 
the  king's  printer  and  another  to  some  stationer. 
We  arriv'd  in  London  on  the  24th  of  December,  1724. 
I  waited  upon  the  stationer,  who  came  first  in  my 
way,  delivering  the  letter  as  from  Governor  Keith. 
"  I  don't  know  such  aperson,"  says  he;  but,  opening 
the  letter,  "Oh!  this  is  from  Riddlesden.  I  have 
lately  found  him  to  be  a  compleat  rascal,  and  I  will 
have  nothing  to  do  with  him,  nor  receive  any  letters 
from  him."  So,  putting  the  letter  into  my  hand,  he 
turn'd  on  his  heel  and  left  me  to  serve  some  cus 
tomer.  I  was  surprised  to  find  these  were  not  the 
governor's  letters;  and  after  recollecting  and  com 
paring  circumstances,  I  began  to  doubt  his  sinceritv. 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  89 

I  found  my  friend  Denham,  and  opened  the  whole 
affair  to  him.  He  let  me  into  Keith's  character; 
told  me  there  was  not  the  least  probability  that  he 
had  written  any  letters  for  me;  that  no  one,  who 
knew  him,  had  the  smallest  dependence  on  him; 
and  he  laught  at  the  notion  of  the  governor's  giving 
me  a  letter  of  credit,  having,  as  he  said,  no  credit  to 
give.  On  my  expressing  some  concern  about  what 
I  should  do,  he  advised  me  to  endeavor  getting  some 
employment  in  the  way  of  my  business.  "Among 
the  printers  here,"  said  he,  "you  will  improve  your 
self,  and  when  you  return  to  America,  you  will  set  up 
to  greater  advantage." 

We  both  of  us  happen 'd  to  know,  as  well  as  the 
stationer,  that  Riddlesden,  the  attorney,  was  a  very 
knave.  He  had  half  ruin'd  Miss  Read's  father  by 
persuading  him  to  be  bound  for  him.  By  this  letter 
it  appear 'd  there  was  a  secret  scheme  on  foot  to  the 
prejudice  of  Hamilton  (suppos'd  to  be  then  coming 
over  with  us) ;  and  that  Keith  was  concerned  in  it 
with  Riddlesden.  Denham,  who  was  a  friend  of 
Hamilton's,  thought  he  ought  to  be  acquainted  with 
it;  so,  when  he  arriv'd  in  England,  which  was  soon 
after,  partly  from  resentment  and  ill-will  to  Keith 
and  Riddlesden,  and  partly  from  good-will  to  him,  I 
waited  on  him,  and  gave  him  the  letter.  He  thank 'd 
me  cordially,  the  information  being  of  importance  to 
him;  and  from  that  time  he  became  my  friend, 
greatly  to  my  advantage  afterwards  on  many  oc 
casions. 

But  what  shall  we  think  of  a  governor's  playing 
such  pitiful  tricks,  and  imposing  so  grossly  on  a  poor 


90  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

ignorant  boy !  It  was  a  habit  he  had  acquired.  He 
wish'd  to  please  everybody;  and,  having  little  to 
give,  he  gave  expectations.  He  was  otherwise  an 
ingenious,  sensible  man,  a  pretty  good  writer,  and 
a  good  governor  for  the  people,  tho'  not  for  his  con 
stituents,  the  proprietaries,  whose  instructions  he 
sometimes  disregarded.  Several  of  our  best  laws 
were  of  his  planning  and  passed  during  his  adminis 
tration. 

Ralph  and  I  were  inseparable  companions.  We 
took  lodgings  together  in  Little  Britain  at  three 
shillings  and  sixpence  a  week — as  much  as  we  could 
then  afford.  He  found  some  relations,  but  they 
were  poor,  and  unable  to  assist  him.  He  now  let 
me  know  his  intentions  of  remaining  in  London,  and 
that  he  never  meant  to  return  to  Philadelphia.  He 
had  brought  no  money  with  him,  the  whole  he  could 
muster  having  been  expended  in  paying  his  passage. 
I  had  fifteen  pistoles;  so  he  borrowed  occasionally 
of  me  to  subsist,  while  he  was  looking  out  for  busi 
ness.  He  first  endeavored  to  get  into  the  playhouse, 
believing  himself  qualify 'd  for  an  actor;  but  Wilkes,1 
to  whom  he  apply 'd,  advis'd  him  candidly  not  to 
think  of  that  employment,  as  it  was  impossible  he 
should  succeed  in  it.  Then  he  propos'd  to  Roberts, 
a  publisher  in  Paternoster  Row,  to  write  for  him  a 
weekly  paper  like  the  Spectator,  on  certain  condi 
tions,  which  Roberts  did  not  approve.  Then  he 
endeavored  to  get  employment  as  a  hackney  writer, 
to  copy  for  the  stationers  and  lawyers  about  the 
Temple,  but  could  find  no  vacancy. 

1  A  comedian. — ED. 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  91 

I  immediately  got  into  work  at  Palmer's,  then  a 
famous  printing-house  in  Bartholomew  Close,  and 
here  I  continu'd  near  a  year.  I  was  pretty  diligent, 
but  spent  with  Ralph  a  good  deal  of  my  earnings  in 
going  to  plays  and  other  places  of  amusement.  We 
had  together  consumed  all  my  pistoles,  and  now  just 
rubbed  on  from  hand  to  mouth.  He  seem'd  quite 
to  forget  his  wife  and  child,  and  I,  by  degrees,  my 
engagements  with  Miss  Read,  to  whom  I  never 
wrote  more  than  one  letter,  and  that  was  to  let  her 
know  I  was  not  likely  soon  to  return.  This  was 
another  of  the  great  errata  of  my  life,  which  I  should 
wish  to  correct  if  I  were  to  live  it  over  again.  In 
fact,  by  our  expenses,  I  was  constantly  kept  unable 
to  pay  my  passage. 

At  Palmer's  I  was  employed  in  composing  for  the 
second  edition  of  Wollaston's  Religion  of  Nature. 
Some  of  his  reasonings  not  appearing  to  me  well 
founded,  I  wrote  a  little  metaphysical  piece  in  which 
I  made  remarks  on  them.  It  was  entitled  A  Disser 
tation  on  Liberty  and  Necessity,  Pleasure  and  Pain. 
I  inscribed  it  to  my  friend  Ralph ;  I  printed  a  small 
number.  It  occasion 'd  my  being  more  consider  'd 
by  Mr.  Palmer  as  a  young  man  of  some  ingenuity, 
tho'  he  seriously  expostulated  with  me  upon  the 
principles  of  my  pamphlet,  which  to  him  appear 'd 
abominable.  My  printing  this  pamphlet  was  another 
erratum.  While  I  lodg'd  in  Little  Britain,  I  made 
an  acquaintance  with  one  Wilcox,  a  bookseller, 
whose  shop  was  at  the  next  door.  He  had  an  im 
mense  collection  of  second-hand  books.  Circulating 
libraries  were  not  then  in  use;  but  we  agreed  that, 


92  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

on  certain  reasonable  terms,  which  I  have  now  for 
gotten,  I  might  take,  read,  and  return  any  of  his 
books.  This  I  esteem 'd  a  great  advantage,  and  I 
made  as  much  use  of  it  as  I  could. 

My  pamphlet  by  some  means  falling  into  the  hands 
of  one  Lyons,  a  surgeon,  author  of  a  book  entitled 
The  Infallibility  of  Human  Judgment,  it  occasioned 
an  acquaintance  between  us.  He  took  great  notice 
of  me,  called  on  me  often  to  converse  on  those  sub 
jects,  carried  me  to  the  Horns,  a  pale-alehouse  in 
-  Lane,  Cheapside,  and  introduced  me  to  Dr. 
Mandeville,  author  of  the  Fable  of  the  Bees,  who  had 
a  club  there,  of  which  he  was  the  soul,  being  a  most 
facetious,  entertaining  companion.  Lyons,  too,  in 
troduced  me  to  Dr.  Pemberton,  at  Batson's  Coffee 
house,  who  promis'd  to  give  me  an  opportunity, 
some  time  or  other,  of  seeing  Sir  Isaac  Newton,  of 
which  I  was  extreamly  desirous;  but  this  never 
happened. 

I  had  brought  over  a  few  curiosities,  among  which 
the  principal  was  a  purse  made  of  the  asbestos, 
which  purifies  by  fire.  Sir  Hans  Sloane  heard  of  it, 
came  to  see  me,  and  invited  me  to  his  house  in 
Bloomsbury  Square,  where  he  show'd  me  all  his 
curiosities,  and  persuaded  me  to  let  him  add  that  to 
the  number,  for  which  he  paid  me  handsomely. 

In  our  house  there  lodg'd  a  young  woman,  a  mil 
liner,  who,  I  think,  had  a  shop  in  the  Cloisters.  She 
had  been  genteelly  bred,  was  sensible  and  lively,  and 
of  most  pleasing  conversation.  Ralph  read  plays  to 
her  in  the  evenings,  they  grew  intimate,  she  took  an 
other  lodging,  and  he  followed  her.  They  liv'd  to- 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  93 

gether  some  time ;  but,  he  being  still  out  of  business, 
and  her  income  not  sufficient  to  maintain  them  with 
her  child,  he  took  a  resolution  of  going  from  London, 
to  try  for  a  country  school,  which  he  thought  himself 
well  qualified  to  undertake,  as  he  wrote  an  excellent 
hand,  and  was  a  master  of  arithmetic  and  accounts. 
This,  however,  he  deemed  a  business  below  him,  and 
confident  of  future  better  fortune,  when  he  should  be 
unwilling  to  have  it  known  that  he  once  was  so 
meanly  employed,  he  changed  his  name,  and  did  me 
the  honor  to  assume  mine ;  for  I  soon  after  had  a  let 
ter  from  him,  acquainting  me  that  he  was  settled  in  a 
small  village  (in  Berkshire,  I  think  it  was,  where  he 
taught  reading  and  writing  to  ten  or  a  dozen  boys,  at 
sixpence  each  per  week),  recommending  Mrs.  T— 
to  my  care,  and  desiring  me  to  write  to  him,  directing 
for  Mr.  Franklin,  school-master,  at  such  a  place. 

He  continued  to  write  frequently,  sending  me  large 
specimens  of  an  epic  poem  which  he  was  then  com 
posing,  and  desiring  my  remarks  and  corrections. 
These  I  gave  him  from  time  to  time,  but  endeavor 'd 
rather  to  discourage  his  proceeding.  One  of  Young's 
Satires  was  then  just  published.  I  copy'd  and  sent 
him  a  great  part  of  it,  which  set  in  a  strong  light  the 
folly  of  pursuing  the  Muses  with  any  hope  of  ad 
vancement  by  them.  All  was  in  vain ;  sheets  of  the 
poem  continued  to  come  by  every  post.  In  the  mean 
time,  Mrs.  T—  — ,  having  on  his  account  lost  her 
friends  and  business,  was  often  in  distresses,  and  us'd 
to  send  for  me,  and  borrow  what  I  could  spare  to 
help  her  out  of  them.  I  grew  fond  of  her  company, 
and,  being  at  that  time  under  no  religious  restraint 


94  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

and  presuming  upon  my  importance  to  her,  I  at 
tempted  familiarities  (another  erratum)  which  she 
repuls'd  with  a  proper  resentment,  and  acquainted 
him  with  my  behaviour.  This  made  a  breach  be 
tween  us ;  and  when  he  returned  again  to  London,  he 
let  me  know  he  thought  I  had  cancell'd  all  the  obliga 
tions  he  had  been  under  to  me.  So  I  found  I  was 
never  to  expect  his  repaying  me  what  I  lent  to  him, 
or  advanc'd  for  him.  This,  however,  was  not  then  of 
much  consequence,  as  he  was  totally  unable;  and  in 
the  loss  of  his  friendship  I  found  myself  relieved  from 
a  burthen.  I  now  began  to  think  of  getting  a  little 
money  beforehand,  and,  expecting  better  work,  I  left 
Palmer's  to  work  at  Watts 's,  near  Lincoln's  Inn 
Fields,  a  still  greater  printing-house.  Here  I  con 
tinued  all  the  rest  of  my  stay  in  London.1 

1  Watts's  printing-office  was  situated  on  the  south  side  of  Wild-Court, 
near  the  eastern  end,  and  three  doors  from  King's  Head  yard. 

The  press  worked  by  Franklin  was  bought  by  Mr.  Edward  Cox,  with 
other  materials,  about  1771,  and  set  up  in  the  office  belonging  succes 
sively  to  Messrs.  Cox  &  Sons,  Cox  &  Wyman,  Wyman  &  Sons,  Nos.  74 
and  75  Great  Queen  Street.  The  press  was  worked  for  some  time  by 
Messrs.  Cox,  but,  becoming  obsolete,  lay  idle  for  years.  Ultimately, 
its  room  being  required,  it  was  taken  down  and  passed  into  the  hands 
of  Messrs.  Harrild  &  Sons,  printers'  brokers  of  the  period,  in  whose 
lumber  room  it  remained  until  June,  1841,  when  Mr.  J.  B.  Murray,  of 
New  York,  interested  himself  successfully  in  procuring  it  to  be  sent  to 
America.  For  many  years  it  was  installed  in  the  Patent  Office  at 
Washington.  Changes  taking  place  there,  it  was  claimed  by  Mr.  J.  B. 
Murray,  who  then  deposited  it  in  the  Smithsonian  Institution  at 
Washington.  Subsequently  it  was  removed  to  the  model-room  of  the 
Patent  Office,  where  it  has  since  remained,  with  the  exception  of  a 
short  interval,  during  which  it  was  shown  at  the  Philadelphia  Inter 
national  Exhibition,  1876. 

Mr.  Murray  acquired  the  Franklin  press  from  Messrs.  Harrild  &  Sons, 
upon  the  understanding  that  they  were  to  be  assured,  in  return,  a  dona 
tion  to  the  London  Printers'  Pension  Society.  In  a  letter  which  has 
been  printed  Mr.  Murray  says:  "Messrs.  Harrild,  meanwhile,  allowed 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  95 

At  my  first  admission  into  this  printing-house  I 
took  to  working  at  press,  imagining  I  felt  a  want  of 
the  bodily  exercise  I  had  been  us'd  to  in  America, 
where  presswork  is  mix'd  with  composing.  I  drank 
only  water;  the  other  workmen,  near  fifty  in  num 
ber,  were  great  guzzlers  of  beer.  On  occasion,  I 

me  the  immediate  possession  of  the  press,  forwarding  it  to  me  at  Liver 
pool;  and  to  prove  my  desire  to  make  a  proper  return  to  the  Printers' 
Pension  Fund,  I  determined  to  permit  the  press  to  be  exhibited  until 
a  reply  should  be  received  from  America.  It  was  deposited  in  the 
Council  Chamber  of  the  Liverpool  Medical  Institution,  and  for  about 
three  weeks  during  which  the  press  remained  open  to  the  public,  it  was 
visited  by  numerous  parties,  both  English  and  American.  Impressions  of 
a  poem  by  Dr.  Franklin,  entitled  Paper,  and  also  the  Twelve  Rules  which 
he  laid  down  for  his  own  government  in  early  life,  were  printed,  and 
about  5,800  copies  were  freely  given  among  the  visitors.  In  return  for 
these  impressions  (which  were  occasionally  printed  off  at  the  press  by 
the  visitors  themselves) ,  small  voluntary  contributions  to  the  Printers 
Pension  Fund  were  received  in  a  box  placed  near  the  press.  Great 
interest  appeared  to  be  excited  about  the  exhibition  of  the  press  and 
it  was  suggested  to  me  that  a  lecture  on  the  life  of  Dr.  Franklin  would 
aid  the  Society  for  whose  benefit  it  was  being  exhibited.  I  made  this 
suggestion  known  to  the  Rev.  Hugh  M'Neile,  who  eventually  accepted 
the  task,  though  at  the  sacrifice  of  many  personal  and  professional 
duties." 

"Subsequently,"  says  Mr.  Murray,  "I  received,  through  Mr.  (Petty) 
Vaughan,  a  communication  from  the  Philosophical  Society  of  Phil 
adelphia,  regretting  that  they  could  not,  consistently  with  their  consti 
tution,  accept  the  press  on  the  conditions  named.  I  immediately  made 
this  known  to  Messrs.  Harrild,  as  I  could  not  now  expect  to  realize  for 
them  the  anticipated  donations  from  that  society,  neither  could  I  in 
honour  claim  any  further  title  to  the  press.  To  this  I  received  a  reply, 
presenting  the  press  to  me,  individually,  unreservedly,  and  in  a  still 
more  handsome  manner  than  when  they  first  consented  to  part  with 
it.  I  had  the  pleasure  to  remit  to  the  Printers'  Pension  Society  of 
London,  through  Messrs.  Harrild,  the  sum  of  ^150,  95.  40?.,  the  proceeds 
of  the  lecture  and  of  the  exhibition  of  the  press. 

The  sum  derived  from  the  Liverpool  exhibition  was  funded  by 
Messrs.  Harrild,  and  in  1854  it  had  accumulated  to  an  amount  suffi 
cient  to  enable  the  Committee  of  the  Printers'  Pension  Society  to  in 
itiate  the  "  Franklin  Pension  "  of  £10,  ios.,  per  year. — ED. 


96  Autobiography  of  [1700-173* 

carried  up  and  down  stairs  a  large  form  of  types  in 
each  hand,  when  others  carried  but  one  in  both 
hands.  They  wondered  to  see,  from  this  and  several 
instances,  that  the  Water- American,  as  they  called 
me,  was  stronger  than  themselves,  who  drank  strong 
beer!  We  had  an  alehouse  boy  who  attended 
always  in  the  house  to  supply  the  workmen.  My 
companion  at  the  press  drank  every  day  a  pint 
before  breakfast,  a  pint  at  breakfast  with  his  bread 
and  cheese,  a  pint  between  breakfast  and  dinner,  a 
pint  in  the  afternoon  about  six  o'clock,  and  another 
when  he  had  done  his  day's  work.  I  thought  it  a 
detestable  custom;  but  it  was  necessary,  he  sup- 
pos'd,  to  drink  strong  beer,  that  he  might  be  strong 
to  labor.  I  endeavored  to  convince  him  that  the 
bodily  strength  afforded  by  beer  could  only  be  in 
proportion  to  the  grain  or  flour  of  the  barley  dis 
solved  in  the  water  of  which  it  was  made ;  that  there 
was  more  flour  in  a  pennyworth  of  bread;  and 
therefore,  if  he  would  eat  that  with  a  pint  of  water, 
it  would  give  him  more  strength  than  a  quart  of 
beer.  He  drank  on,  however,  and  had  four  or  five 
shillings  to  pay  out  of  his  wages  every  Saturday 
night  for  that  muddling  liquor;  an  expense  I  was 
free  from.  And  thus  these  poor  devils  keep  them 
selves  always  under. 

Watts,  after  some  weeks,  desiring  to  have  me  in 
the  composing-room,  I  left  the  pressmen;  a  new 
bienvenu  or  sum  for  drink,  being  five  shillings,  was 
demanded  of  me  by  the  compositors.  I  thought  it 
an  imposition,  as  I  had  paid  below;  the  master 
thought  so  too,  and  forbad  my  paying  it.  I  stood 


706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  97 

out  two  or  three  weeks,  was  accordingly  considered 
as  an  excommunicate,  and  had  so  many  little  pieces 
of  private  mischief  done  me,  by  mixing  my  sorts, 
transposing  my  pages,  breaking  my  matter,  etc.,  etc., 
if  I  were  ever  so  little  out  of  the  room,  and  all  ascribed 
to  the  chappel  ghost,  which  they  said  ever  haunted 
those  not  regularly  admitted,  that,  notwithstanding 
the  master's  protection,  I  found  myself  oblig'd  to 
comply  and  pay  the  money,  convinc'd  of  the  folly  of 
being  on  ill  terms  with  those  one  is  to  live  with 
continually. 

I  was  now  on  a  fair  footing  with  them,  and  soon 
acquir'd  considerable  influence.  I  propos'd  some 
reasonable  alterations  in  their  chappel  x  laws,  and 
carried  them  against  all  opposition.  From  my  ex 
ample,  a  great  part  of  them  left  their  muddling 
breakfast  of  beer,  and  bread,  and  cheese,  finding 
they  could  with  me  be  supply 'd  from  a  neighboring 
house  with  a  large  porringer  of  hot  water-gruel, 
sprinkled  with  pepper,  crumb 'd  with  bread,  and  a 
bit  of  butter  in  it,  for  the  price  of  a  pint  of  beer,  viz., 
three  half -pence.  This  was  a  more  comfortable  as 
well  as  cheaper  breakfast,  and  kept  their  heads 
clearer.  Those  who  continued  sotting  with  beer  all 
day,  were  often,  by  not  paying,  out  of  credit  at  the 
alehouse,  and  us'd  to  make  interest  with  me  to  get 
beer;  their  light,  as  they  phrased  it,  being  out.  I 
watch'd  the  pay-table  on  Saturday  night,  and  col 
lected  what  I  stood  engag'd  for  them,  having  to  pay 

1  A  printing-house  used  to  be  called  a  chapel  by  the  workmen,  and 
a  journeyman,  on  entering  a  printing-house,  was  accustomed  to  pay 
one  or  more  gallons  of  beer  "for  the  good  of  the  chapel." — ED. 

VOL.  I.— 7. 


98  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

sometimes  near  thirty  shillings  a  week  on  their  ac 
count.  This,  and  my  being  esteem 'd  a  pretty  good 
riggite,  that  is,  a  jocular  verbal  satirist,  supported 
my  consequence  in  the  society.  My  constant  at 
tendance  (I  never  making  a  St.  Monday)  recom 
mended  me  to  the  master;  and  my  uncommon 
quickness  at  composing  occasioned  my  being  put 
upon  all  work  of  dispatch,  which  was  generally  better 
paid.  So  I  went  on  now  very  agreeably. 

My  lodging  in  Little  Britain  being  too  remote,  I 
found  another  in  Duke-street,  opposite  to  the  Rom 
ish  Chapel.  It  was  two  pair  of  stairs  backwards,  at 
an  Italian  warehouse.  A  widow  lady  kept  the 
house ;  she  had  a  daughter,  and  a  maid  servant,  and 
a  journeyman  who  attended  the  warehouse,  but 
lodg'd  abroad.  After  sending  to  inquire  my  charac 
ter  at  the  house  where  I  last  lodg'd,  she  agreed  to 
take  me  in  at  the  same  rate,  35.  6 d.  per  week ;  cheaper, 
as  she  said,  from  the  protection  she  expected  in 
having  a  man  lodge  in  the  house.  She  was  a  widow, 
an  elderly  woman;  had  been  bred  a  Protestant, 
being  a  clergyman's  daughter,  but  was  converted  to 
the  Catholic  religion  by  her  husband,  whose  memory 
she  much  revered ;  had  lived  much  among  people  of 
distinction,  and  knew  a  thousand  anecdotes  of  them 
as  far  back  as  the  times  of  Charles  the  Second.  She 
was  lame  in  her  knees  with  the  gout,  and,  therefore, 
seldom  stirred  out  of  her  room,  so  sometimes  wanted 
company;  and  hers  was  so  highly  amusing  to  me, 
that  I  was  sure  to  spend  an  evening  with  her  when 
ever  she  desired  it.  Our  supper  was  only  half  an 
anchovy  each,  on  a  very  little  strip  of  bread  and 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  99 

butter,  and  half  a  pint  of  ale  between  us;  but  the 
entertainment  was  in  her  conversation.  My  always 
keeping  good  hours,  and  giving  little  trouble  in  the 
family,  made  her  unwilling  to  part  with  me;  so  that, 
when  I  talk'd  of  a  lodging  I  had  heard  of,  nearer  my 
business,  for  two  shillings  a  week,  which,  intent  as  I 
now  was  on  saving  money,  made  some  difference, 
she  bid  me  not  think  of  it,  for  she  would  abate  me 
two  shillings  a  week  for  the  future;  so  I  remained 
with  her  at  one  shilling  and  sixpence  as  long  as  I 
staid  in  London. 

In  a  garret  of  her  house  there  lived  a  maiden  lady 
of  seventy,  in  the  most  retired  manner,  of  whom  my 
landlady  gave  me  this  account:  that  she  was  a 
Roman  Catholic,  had  been  sent  abroad  when  young, 
and  lodg'd  in  a  nunnery  with  an  intent  of  becoming 
a  nun;  but,  the  country  not  agreeing  with  her,  she 
returned  to  England,  where,  there  being  no  nunnery, 
she  had  vow'd  to  lead  the  life  of  a  nun,  as  near  as 
might  be  done  in  those  circumstances.  Accord 
ingly,  she  had  given  all  her  estate  to  charitable  uses, 
reserving  only  twelve  pounds  a  year  to  live  on,  and 
out  of  this  sum  she  still  gave  a  great  deal  in  charity, 
living  herself  on  water-gruel  only,  and  using  no  fire 
but  to  boil  it.  She  had  lived  many  years  in  that 
garret,  being  permitted  to  remain  there  gratis  by 
successive  Catholic  tenants  of  the  house  below,  as 
they  deemed  it  a  blessing  to  have  her  there.  A 
priest  visited  her  to  confess  her  every  day.  "  I  have 
ask'd  her,"  says  my  landlady,  "how  she,  as  she 
liv'd,  could  possibly  find  so  much  employment  for  a 
confessor?"  "Oh,"  said  she,  "it  is  impossible  to 


ioo  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

avoid  vain  thoughts."  I  was  permitted  once  to  visit 
her.  She  was  cheerful  and  polite,  and  convers'd 
pleasantly.  The  room  was  clean,  but  had  no  other 
furniture  than  a  matras,  a  table  with  a  crucifix  and 
book,  a  stool  which  she  gave  me  to  sit  on,  and  a 
picture  over  the  chimney  of  Saint  Veronica  display 
ing  her  handkerchief,  with  the  miraculous  figure  of 
Christ's  bleeding  face  on  it,  which  she  explained  to 
me  with  great  seriousness.  She  look'd  pale,  but 
was  never  sick;  and  I  give  it  as  another  instance  on 
how  small  an  income  life  and  health  may  be  sup 
ported. 

At  Watts 's  printing-house  I  contracted  an  ac 
quaintance  with  an  ingenious  young  man,  one 
Wygate,  who,  having  wealthy  relations,  had  been 
better  educated  than  most  printers ;  was  a  tolerable 
Latinist,  spoke  French,  and  lov'd  reading.  I  taught 
him  and  a  friend  of  his  to  swim  at  twice  going  into 
the  river,  and  they  soon  became  good  swimmers. 
They  introduc'd  me  to  some  gentlemen  from  the 
country,  who  went  to  Chelsea  by  water  to  see  the 
College  and  Don  Saltero's  curiosities.  In  our  return, 
at  the  request  of  the  company,  whose  curiosity  Wy 
gate  had  excited,  I  stripped  and  leaped  into  the 
river,  and  swam  from  near  Chelsea  to  Blackfryars, 
performing  on  the  way  many  feats  of  activity,  both 
upon  and  under  water,  that  surpris'd  and  pleas 'd 
those  to  whom  they  were  novelties. 

I  had  from  a  child  been  ever  delighted  with  this 
exercise,  had  studied  and  practis'd  all  Thevenot's 
motions  and  positions,  added  some  of  my  own,  aim 
ing  at  the  graceful  and  easy  as  well  as  the  useful. 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  101 

All  these  I  took  this  occasion  of  exhibiting  to  the 
company,  and  was  much  flatter 'd  by  their  admira 
tion;  and  Wygate,  who  was  desirous  of  becoming  a 
master,  grew  more  and  more  attach 'd  to  me  on  that 
account,  as  well  as  from  the  similarity  of  our  studies. 
He  at  length  proposed  to  me  travelling  all  over 
Europe  together,  supporting  ourselves  everywhere 
by  working  at  our  business.  I  was  once  inclined  to 
it;  but,  mentioning  it  to  my  good  friend  Mr.  Den- 
ham,  with  whom  I  often  spent  an  hour  when  I  had 
leisure,  he  dissuaded  me  from  it,  advising  me  to 
think  only  of  returning  to  Pennsylvania,  which  he 
was  now  about  to  do. 

I  must  record  one  trait  of  this  good  man's  charac 
ter.  He  had  formerly  been  in  business  at  Bristol, 
but  failed  in  debt  to  a  number  of  people,  com 
pounded,  and  went  to  America.  There,  by  a  close 
application  to  business  as  a  merchant,  he  acquir'd 
a  plentiful  fortune  in  a  few  years.  Returning  to 
England  in  the  ship  with  me,  he  invited  his  old 
creditors  to  an  entertainment,  at  which  he  thank'd 
them  for  the  easy  composition  they  had  favored  him 
with,  and,  when  they  expected  nothing  but  the 
treat,  every  man  at  the  first  remove  found  under  his 
plate  an  order  on  a  banker  for  the  full  amount  of  the 
unpaid  remainder,  with  interest. 

He  now  told  me  he  was  about  to  return  to  Phil 
adelphia,  and  should  carry  over  a  great  quantity  of 
goods  in  order  to  open  a  store  there.  He  proposed 
to  take  me  over  as  his  clerk,  to  keep  his  books,  in 
which  he  would  instruct  me,  copy  his  letters,  and 
attend  the  store.  He  added,  that,  as  soon  as  I 


102  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

should  be  acquainted  with  mercantile  business,  he 
would  promote  me  by  sending  me  with  a  cargo  of 
flour  and  bread,  etc.,  to  the  West  Indies,  and  procure 
me  commissions  from  others  which  would  be  profit 
able;  and,  if  I  manag'd  well,  would  establish  me 
handsomely.  The  thing  pleas 'd  me;  for  I  was 
grown  tired  of  London,  remembered  with  pleasure 
the  happy  months  I  had  spent  in  Pennsylvania, 
and  wish'd  again  to  see  it;  therefore  I  immedi 
ately  agreed  on  the  terms  of  fifty  pounds  a  year, 
Pennsylvania  money;  less,  indeed,  than  my  present 
gettings  as  a  compositor,  but  affording  a  better 
prospect 

I  now  took  leave  of  printing,  as  I  thought,  forever, 
and  was  daily  employ 'd  in  my  new  business,  going 
about  with  Mr.  Denham  among  the  tradesmen  to 
purchase  various  articles,  and  seeing  them  pack'd 
up,  doing  errands,  calling  upon  workmen  to  dis 
patch,  etc. ;  and,  when  all  was  on  board,  I  had  a  few 
days'  leisure.  On  one  of  these  days,  I  was,  to  my 
surprise,  sent  for  by  a  great  man  I  knew  only  by 
name,  a  Sir  William  Wyndham,  and  I  waited  upon 
him.  He  had  heard  by  some  means  or  other  of  my 
swimming  from  Chelsea  to  Blackfryars,  and  of  my 
teaching  Wygate  and  another  young  man  to  swim 
in  a  few  hours.  He  had  two  sons,  about  to  set  out 
on  their  travels;  he  wish'd  to  have  them  first  taught 
swimming,  and  proposed  to  gratify  me  handsomely 
if  I  would  teach  them.  They  were  not  yet  come  to 
town,  and  my  stay  was  uncertain,  so  I  could  not 
undertake  it;  but,  from  this  incident,  I  thought  it 
likely  that,  if  I  were  to  remain  in  England  and  open 


1706-1730]          Benjamin  Franklin  103 

a  swimming- school,  I  might  get  a  good  deal  of 
money;  and  it  struck  me  so  strongly,  that,  had  the 
overture  been  sooner  made  me,  probably  I  should 
not  so  soon  have  returned  to  America.  After  many 
years,  you  and  I  had  something  of  more  importance 
to  do  with  one  of  these  sons  of  Sir  William  Wynd- 
ham,  become  Earl  of  Egremont,  which  I  shall  men 
tion  in  its  place. 

Thus  I  spent  about  eighteen  months  in  London; 
most  part  of  the  time  I  work'd  hard  at  my  business, 
and  spent  but  little  upon  myself  except  in  seeing 
plays  and  in  books.  My  friend  Ralph  had  kept  me 
poor;  he  owed  me  about  twenty-seven  pounds, 
which  I  was  now  never  likely  to  receive;  a  great 
sum  out  of  my  small  earnings!  I  lov'd  him,  not 
withstanding,  for  he  had  many  amiable  qualities. 
I  had  by  no  means  improv'd  my  fortune;  but  I  had 
picked  up  some  very  ingenious  acquaintance,  whose 
conversation  was  of  great  advantage  to  me;  and  I 
had  read  considerably. 

We  sail'd  from  Gravesend  on  the  23d  of  July, 
1726.  For  the  incidents  of  the  voyage,  I  refer  you 
to  my  Journal,  where  you  will  find  them  all  minutely 
related.  Perhaps  the  most  important  part  of  that 
journal  is  the  plan  r  to  be  found  in  it,  which  I  formed 
at  sea,  for  regulating  my  future  conduct  in  life.  It 
is  the  more  remarkable,  as  being  formed  when  I  was 
so  young,  and  yet  being  pretty  faithfully  adhered 
to  quite  thro'  to  old  age. 

1  The  "plan"  referred  to  as  the  most  "important  part"  of  the 
Journal,  is  not  found  in  the  manuscript  Journal  which  was  left  among 
Franklin's  papers. 


104  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

Journal  *  of  Occurrences  in  my  Voyage  to  Philadel 
phia  on  board  the  Berkshire,  Henry  Clark, 
Master,  from  London. 

Friday,  July  22d,  1726. — Yesterday  in  the  after 
noon  we  left  London,  and  came  to  an  anchor  off 
Gravesend  about  eleven  at  night.  I  lay  ashore  all 
night,  and  this  morning  took  a  walk  up  to  the  Wind 
mill  Hill,  whence  I  had  an  agreeable  prospect  of  the 
country  for  about  twenty  miles  round,  and  two  or 
three  reaches  of  the  river,  with  ships  and  boats  sail 
ing  both  up  and  down,  and  Tilbury  Fort  on  the 
other  side,  which  commands  the  river  and  passage 
to  London.  This  Gravesend  is  a  cursed  biting  place; 
the  chief  dependence  of  the  people  being  the  advan 
tage  they  make  of  imposing  upon  strangers.  If  you 
buy  any  thing  of  them,  and  give  half  what  they  ask, 
you  pay  twice  as  much  as  the  thing  is  worth.  Thank 
God,  we  shall  leave  it  to-morrow. 

Saturday,  July  2$d. — This  day  we  weighed  anchor 
and  fell  down  with  the  tide,  there  being  little  or  no 
wind.  In  the  afternoon  we  had  a  fresh  gale,  that 
brought  us  down  to  Margate,  where  we  shall  lie  at 
anchor  this  night.  Most  of  the  passengers  are  very 
sick.  Saw  several  porpoises,  &c. 

Sunday,  July  24^. — This  morning  we  weighed 
anchor,  and  coming  to  the  Downs,  we  set  our  pilot 
ashore  at  Deal,  and  passed  through.  And  now, 
whilst  I  write  this,  sitting  upon  the  quarter-deck,  I 

1  For  the  greater  convenience  of  the  reader  and  also  to  preserve  the 
chronological  order  which  the  editor  has  prescribed  for  himself  in  the 
arrangement  of  this  work,  this  journal  is  inserted  here,  though  it  was 
not  included  in  the  autobiography. — ED. 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  105 

have,  methinks,  one  of  the  pleasantest  scenes  in  the 
world  before  me.  'T  is  a  fine,  clear  day,  and  we  are 
going  away  before  the  wind  with  an  easy,  pleasant 
gale.  We  have  near  fifteen  sail  of  ships  in  sight, 
and  I  may  say  in  company.  On  the  left  hand  ap 
pears  the  coast  of  France  at  a  distance,  and  on  the 
right  is  the  town  and  castle  of  Dover,  with  the  green 
hills  and  chalky  cliffs  of  England,  to  which  we  must 
now  bid  farewell.  Albion,  farewell! 

Monday,  July  2$th. — All  the  morning  calm.  After 
noon  sprung  up  a  gale  at  east;  blew  very  hard  all 
night.  Saw  the  Isle  of  Wight  at  a  distance. 

Tuesday,  July  26th. — Contrary  winds  all  day,  blow 
ing  pretty  hard.  Saw  the  Isle  of  Wight  again  in  the 
evening. 

Wednesday,  July  2jth. — This  morning,  the  wind 
blowing  very  hard  at  west,  we  stood  in  for  the  land, 
in  order  to  make  some  harbour.  About  noon  we 
took  on  board  a  pilot  out  of  a  fishing  shallop,  who 
brought  the  ship  into  Spithead,  off  Portsmouth. 
The  captain,  Mr.  Denham,  and  myself  went  on  shore, 
and,  during  the  little  time  we  stayed,  I  made  some 
observations  on  the  place. 

Portsmouth  has  a  fine  harbour.  The  entrance  is 
so  narrow,  that  you  may  throw  a  stone  from  fort  to 
fort ;  yet  it  is  near  ten  fathoms  deep,  and  bold  close 
to;  but  within  there  is  room  enough  for  five  hun 
dred,  or,  for  aught  I  know,  a  thousand  sail  of  ships. 
The  town  is  strongly  fortified,  being  encompassed 
with  a  high  wall  and  a  deep  and  broad  ditch,  and 
two  gates,  that  are  entered  over  drawbridges;  be 
sides  several  forts,  batteries  of  large  cannon,  and 


Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

other  outworks,  the  names  of  which  I  know  not,  nor 
had  I  time  to  take  so  strict  a  view  as  to  be  able  to 
describe  them.  In  war  time,  the  town  has  a  garrison 
of  ten  thousand  men;  but  at  present  it  is  only 
manned  by  about  one  hundred  invalids.  Notwith 
standing  the  English  have  so  many  fleets  of  men-of- 
war  at  sea  at  this  time,1  I  counted  in  this  harbour 
above  thirty  sail  of  second,  third,  and  fourth  rates, 
that  lay  by  unrigged,  but  easily  fitted  out  upon  oc 
casion,  all  their  masts  and  rigging  lying  marked  and 
numbered  in  storehouses  at  hand.  The  King's 
yards  and  docks  employ  abundance  of  men,  who, 
even  in  peace  time,  are  constantly  building  and  re 
fitting  men-of-war  for  the  King's  service. 

Gosport  lies  opposite  to  Portsmouth,  and  is  near 
as  big,  if  not  bigger;  but,  except  the  fort  at  the 
mouth  of  the  harbour,  and  a  small  outwork  before 
the  main  street  of  the  town,  it  is  only  defended  by 
a  mud  wall,  which  surrounds  it,  and  a  trench  of  dry 
ditch  of  about  ten  feet  depth  and  breadth.  Ports 
mouth  is  a  place  of  very  little  trade  in  peace  time; 
it  depending  chiefly  on  fitting  out  men-of-war.  Spit- 
head  is  the  place  where  the  fleets  commonly  anchor, 
and  is  a  very  good  riding-place.  The  people  of 
Portsmouth  tell  strange  stories  of  the  severity  of 
one  Gibson,  who  was  governor  of  this  place  in  the 
Queen's  time,  to  his  soldiers,  and  show  you  a  miser 
able  dungeon  by  the  town  gate,  which  they  call 
Johnny  Gibson  s  Hole,  where,  for  trifling  misdemean 
ors,  he  used  to  confine  his  soldiers  till  they  were 

1  One  gone  to  the  Baltic,  one  to  the  Mediterranean,  and  one  to  the 
West  Indies. 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  107 

almost  starved  to  death.  It  is  a  common  maxim, 
that,  without  severe  discipline,  it  is  impossible  to 
govern  the  licentious  rabble  of  soldiery.  I  own,  in 
deed,  that,  if  a  commander  finds  he  has  not  those 
qualities  in  him  that  will  make  him  beloved  by  his 
people,  he  ought,  by  all  means,  to  make  use  of 
such  methods  as  will  make  them  fear  him,  since  one 
or  the  other  (or  both)  is  absolutely  necessary;  but 
Alexander  and  Caesar,  those  renowned  generals,  re 
ceived  more  faithful  service,  and  performed  greater 
actions,  by  means  of  the  love  their  soldiers  bore 
them,  than  they  could  possibly  have  done,  if,  instead 
of  being  beloved  and  respected,  they  had  been  hated 
and  feared  by  those  they  commanded. 

Thursday,  July  2&th. — This  morning  we  came  on 
board,  having  lain  on  shore  all  night.  We  weighed 
anchor,  and,  with  a  moderate  gale,  stood  in  for 
Cowes,  in  the  Isle  of  Wight,  and  came  to  an  anchor 
before  the  town  about  eleven  o'clock.  Six  of  the 
passengers  went  on  shore,  and  diverted  themselves 
till  about  twelve  at  night ;  and  then  got  a  boat,  and 
came  on  board  again,  expecting  to  sail  early  in  the 
morning. 

Friday,  July  2gth. — But,  the  wind  continuing  ad 
verse  still,  we  went  ashore  again  this  morning,  and 
took  a  walk  to  Newport,  which  is  about  four  miles 
distant  from  Cowes,  and  is  the  metropolis  of -the 
island.  Thence  we  walked  to  Carisbrooke,  about  a 
mile  further,  out  of  curiosity  to  see  that  castle, 
which  King  Charles  the  First  was  confined  in;  and 
so  returned  to  Cowes  in  the  afternoon,  and  went  on 
board  in  expectation  of  sailing. 


io8  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

Cowes  is  but  a  small  town,  and  lies  close  to  the 
seaside,  pretty  near  opposite  to  Southampton  on 
the  main  shore  of  England.  It  is  divided  into  two 
parts  by  a  small  river  that  runs  up  within  a  quarter 
of  a  mile  of  Newport,  and  is  distinguished  by  East 
and  West  Cowes.  There  is  a  fort  built  in  an  oval 
form,  on  which  there  are  eight  or  ten  guns  mounted 
for  the  defence  of  the  road.  They  have  a  post- 
office,  a  custom-house,  and  a  chapel  of  ease;  and  a 
good  harbour  for  ships  to  ride  in,  in  easterly  and 
westerly  winds. 

All  this  afternoon  I  spent  agreeably  enough  at  the 
draft  board.  It  is  a  game  I  much  delight  in ;  but  it 
requires  a  clear  head,  and  undisturbed;  and  the 
persons  playing,  if  they  would  play  well,  ought  not 
much  to  regard  the  consequence  of  the  game,  for  that 
diverts  and  withdraws  the  attention  of  the  mind 
from  the  game  itself,  and  makes  the  player  liable  to 
make  many  false  open  moves ;  and  I  will  venture  to 
lay  it  down  for  an  infallible  rule,  that,  if  two  persons 
equal  in  judgment  play  for  a  considerable  sum,  he 
that  loves  money  most  shall  lose;  his  anxiety  for 
the  success  of  the  game  confounds  him.  Courage  is 
almost  as  requisite  for  the  good  conduct  of  this  game 
as  in  a  real  battle ;  for,  if  the  player  imagines  him 
self  opposed  by  one  that  is  much  his  superior  in  skill, 
his  mind  is  so  intent  on  the  defensive  part,  that  an 
advantage  passes  unobserved. 

Newport  makes  a  pretty  prospect  enough  from  the 
hills  that  surround  it;  for  it  lies  down  in  a  bottom. 
The  houses  are  beautifully  intermixed  with  trees, 
and  a  tall,  old-fashioned  steeple  rises  in  the  midst 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  109 

of  the  town,  which  is  very  ornamental  to  it.  The 
name  of  the  church  I  could  not  learn ;  but  there  is  a 
very  neat  market-house,  paved  with  square  stone, 
and  consisting  of  eleven  arches.  There  are  several 
pretty  handsome  streets,  and  many  well-built 
houses  and  shops,  well  stored  with  goods.  But  I 
think  Newport  is  chiefly  remarkable  for  oysters, 
which  they  send  to  London  and  other  places,  where 
they  are  very  much  esteemed,  being  thought  the 
best  in  England.  The  oyster-merchants  fetch  them, 
as  I  am  informed,  from  other  places,  and  lay  them 
upon  certain  beds  in  the  river  (the  water  of  which  is 
it  seems  excellently  adapted  for  that  purpose)  a- fat 
tening;  and  when  they  have  lain  a  suitable  time 
they  are  taken  up  again,  and  made  fit  for  sale. 

When  we  came  to  Carisbrooke,  which,  as  I  said 
before,  is  a  little  village  about  a  mile  beyond  New 
port,  we  took  a  view  of  an  ancient  church  that  had 
formerly  been  a  priory  in  Romish  times,  and  is  the 
first  church,  or  the  mot  her- church,  of  the  island.  It 
is  an  elegant  building,  after  the  old  Gothic  manner, 
with  a  very  high  tower,  and  looks  very  venerable  in 
its  ruins.  There  are  several  ancient  monuments 
about  it ;  but  the  stone  of  which  they  are  composed 
is  of  such  a  soft,  crumbling  nature,  that  the  inscrip 
tions  are  none  of  them  legible.  Of  the  same  stone 
are  almost  all  the  tombstones,  etc.,  that  I  observed 
in  the  island. 

From  this  church,  having  crossed  over  the  brook 
that  gives  the  name  to  the  village,  and  got  a  little 
boy  for  a  guide,  we  went  up  a  very  steep  hill,  through 
several  narrow  lanes  and  avenues,  till  we  came  to  the 


no  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

castle  gate.  We  entered  over  the  ditch  (which  is 
now  almost  filled  up,  partly  by  the  ruins  of  the 
mouldering  walls  that  have  tumbled  into  it,  and 
partly  by  the  washing  down  of  the  earth  from  the 
hill  by  the  rains),  upon  a  couple  of  brick  arches, 
where  I  suppose  formerly  there  was  a  drawbridge. 
An  old  woman  who  lives  in  the  castle,  seeing  us 
strangers  walk  about,  sent  and  offered  to  show  us 
the  rooms  if  we  pleased,  which  we  accepted.  This 
castle,  as  she  informed  us,  has  for  many  years  been 
the  seat  of  the  governors  of  the  island;  and  the 
rooms  and  hall,  which  are  very  large  and  handsome 
with  high,  arched  roofs,  have  all  along  been  kept 
handsomely  furnished,  every  succeeding  governor 
buying  the  furniture  of  his  predecessor;  but,  Cado- 
gan,  the  last  governor,  who  succeeded  General  Webb, 
refusing  to  purchase  it,  Webb  stripped  it  clear  of  all, 
even  the  hangings,  and  left  nothing  but  bare  walls. 
The  floors  are  several  of  them  of  plaster  of  Paris,  the 
art  of  making  which,  the  woman  told  us,  was  now 
lost. 

The  castle  stands  upon  a  very  high  and  steep  hill, 
and  there  are  the  remains  of  a  deep  ditch  round  it; 
the  walls  are  thick,  and  seemingly  well  contrived; 
and  certainly  it  has  been  a  very  strong  hold  in  its 
time,  at  least  before  the  invention  of  great  guns. 
There  are  several  breaches  in  the  ruinous  walls, 
which  are  never  repaired,  (I  suppose  they  are  pur 
posely  neglected,)  and  the  ruins  are  almost  every 
where  overspread  with  ivy.  It  is  divided  into  the 
lower  and  the  upper  castle,  the  lower  enclosing  the 
upper,  which  is  of  a  round  form,  and  stands  upon  a 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  in 

promontory,  to  which  you  must  ascend  by  near  a 
hundred  stone  steps ;  this  upper  castle  was  designed 
for  a  retreat  in  case  the  lower  castle  should  be  won, 
and  is  the  least  ruinous  of  any  part  except  the  stairs 
before  mentioned,  which  are  so  broken  and  decayed, 
that  I  was  almost  afraid  to  come  down  again  when 
I  was  up,  they  being  but  narrow,  and  no  rails  to 
hold  by. 

From  the  battlements  of  this  upper  castle,  which 
they  call  the  coop,  you  have  a  fine  prospect  of  the 
greatest  part  of  the  island,  of  the  sea  on  one  side,  of 
Cowes  road  at  a  distance,  and  of  Newport  as  it  were 
just  below  you.  There  is  a  well  in  the  middle  of  the 
coop,  which  they  called  the  bottomless  well,  because 
of  its  great  depth;  but  it  is  now  half  filled  up  with 
stones  and  rubbish,  and  is  covered  with  two  or  three 
loose  planks;  yet  a  stone,  as  we  tried,  is  near  a 
quarter  of  a  minute  in  falling  before  you  hear  it 
strike.  But  the  well  that  supplies  the  inhabitants 
at  present  with  water  is  in  the  lower  castle,  and  is 
thirty  fathoms  deep.  They  draw  their  water  with  a 
great  wheel,  and  with  a  bucket  that  holds  near  a 
barrel.  It  makes  a  great  sound  if  you  speak  in  it, 
and  echoed  the  flute  which  we  played  over  it  very 
sweetly.  There  are  but  seven  pieces  of  ordnance 
mounted  upon  the  walls,  and  those  in  no  very  good 
order;  and  the  old  man,  who  is  the  gunner  and 
keeper  of  the  castle,  and  who  sells  ale  in  a  little 
house  at  the  gate,  has  in  his  possession  but  six  mus 
kets,  which  hang  up  at  his  wall,  and  one  of  them 
wants  a  lock.  He  told  us  that  the  castle,  which 
had  now  been  built  1,203  years,  was  first  founded 


ii2  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

by  one  Whitgert,  a  Saxon,  who  conquered  the 
island,  and  that  it  was  called  Whitgertsburg  for 
many  ages. 

That  particular  piece  of  building,  which  King 
Charles  lodged  in  during  his  confinement  here,  is  suf 
fered  to  go  entirely  to  ruin,  there  being  nothing 
standing  but  the  walls.  The  island  is  about  sixty 
miles  in  circumference,  and  produces  plenty  of  corn 
and  other  provisions,  and  wool  as  fine  as  Cots  wold; 
its  militia  having  the  credit  of  equalling  the  soldiery, 
and  being  the  best  disciplined  in  England,  was  once, 
in  King  William's  time,  intrusted  with  the  govern 
ment  of  this  island.  At  his  death  it  appeared  he 
was  a  great  villain,  and  a  great  politician;  there  was 
no  crime  so  damnable  which  he  would  not  stick  at  in 
the  execution  of  his  designs,  and  yet  he  had  the  art 
of  covering  all  so  thick,  that  with  almost  all  men  in 
general,  while  he  lrr^d,  he  passed  for  a  saint.  What 
surprised  me  was,  that  the  silly  old  fellow,  the  keeper 
of  the  castle,  who  remembered  him  governor,  should 
have  so  true  a  notion  of  his  character  as  I  perceived 
he  had.  In  short,  I  believe  it  is  impossible  for  a 
man,  though  he  has  all  the  cunning  of  a  devil,  to  live 
and  die  a  villain,  and  yet  conceal  it  so  well  as  to  carry 
the  name  of  an  honest  fellow  to  the  grave  with  him, 
but  some  one,  by  some  accident  or  other,  shall  dis 
cover  him.  Truth  and  sincerity  have  a  certain  dis 
tinguishing  native  lustre  about  them,  which  cannot 
be  perfectly  counterfeited;  they  are  like  fire  and 
flame,  that  cannot  be  painted. 

The  whole  castle  was  repaired  and  beautified  by 
Queen  Elizabeth,  and  strengthened  by  a  breastwork 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  113 

all  round  without  the  walls,  as  appears  by  this  in 
scription  in  one  or  two  places  upon  it. 

1598 
E.  R. 

40 

Saturday,  July  $oth. — This  morning  about  eight 
o'clock  we  weighed  anchor,  and  turned  to  windward 
till  we  came  to  Yarmouth,  another  little  town  upon 
this  island,  and  there  cast  anchor  again,  the  wind 
blowing  hard,  and  still  westerly.  Yarmouth  is  a 
smaller  town  than  Cowes;  yet  the  buildings  being 
better,  it  makes  a  handsomer  prospect  at  a  distance, 
and  the  streets  are  clean  and  neat.  There  is  one 
monument  in  the  church,  which  the  inhabitants  are 
very  proud  of,  and  which  we  went  to  see.  It  was 
erected  to  the  memory  of  Sir  Robert  Holmes,  who 
had  formerly  been  governor  of  the  island.  It  is  his 
statue  in  armour,  somewhat  bigger  than  the  life, 
standing  on  his  tomb,  with  a  truncheon  in  his  hand, 
between  two  pillars  of  porphyry.  Indeed,  all  the 
marble  about  it  is  very  fine  and  good;  and  they  say 
it  was  designed  by  the  French  King  for  his  palace  at 
Versailles,  but  was  cast  away  upon  this  island,  and 
by  Sir  Robert  himself  in  his  lifetime  applied  to  this 
use,  and  that  the  whole  monument  was  finished  long 
before  he  died,  though  not  fixed  up  in  that  place, 
the  inscription,  likewise  which  is  very  much  to  his 
honor,  being  written  by  himself.  One  would  think 
either  that  he  had  no  defect  at  all,  or  had  a  very  ill 
opinion  of  the  world,  seeing  he  was  so  careful  to  make 


ii4  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

sure  of  a  monument  to  record  his  good  actions  and 
transmit  them  to  posterity. 

Having  taken  a  view  of  the  church,  town,  and 
fort,  on  which  there  are  seven  large  guns  mounted, 
three  of  us  took  a  walk  further  into  the  island;  and, 
having  gone  about  two  miles,  we  headed  a  creek  that 
runs  up  one  end  of  the  town,  and  then  went  to  Fresh 
water  Church,  about  a  mile  nearer  the  town,  but  on 
the  other  side  of  the  creek.  Having  stayed  here 
some  time  it  grew  dark,  and  my  companions  were 
desirous  to  be  gone,  lest  those  whom  we  had  left 
drinking  where  we  dined  in  the  town  should  go  on 
board  and  leave  us.  We  were  told, that  it  was  our  best 
way  to  go  straight  down  to  the  mouth  of  the  creek, 
and  that  there  was  a  ferry  boy  that  would  carry  us 
over  to  the  town.  But  when  we  came  to  the  house 
the  lazy  whelp  was  in  bed,  and  refused  to  rise  and  put 
us  over;  upon  which  we  went  down  to  the  water 
side,  with  a  design  to  take  his  boat,  and  go  over  by 
ourselves.  We  found  it  very  difficult  to  get  the  boat, 
it  being  fastened  to  a  stake,  and  the  tide  risen  near 
fifty  yards  beyond  it;  I  stripped  all  to  my  shirt  to 
wade  up  to  it ;  but  missing  the  causeway,  which  was 
under  water,  I  got  up  to  my  middle  in  mud.  At 
last  I  came  to  the  stake;  but,  to  my  great  disap 
pointment,  found  she  was  locked  and  chained. 
I  endeavored  to  draw  the  staple  with  one  of  the 
thole-pins,  but  in  vain ;  I  tried  to  pull  up  the  stake, 
but  to  no  purpose;  so  that,  after  an  hour's  fatigue 
and  trouble  in  the  wet  and  mud,  I  was  forced  to  re 
turn  without  the  boat. 

We  had  no  money  in  our  pockets,  and  therefore 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  115 

began  to  conclude  to  pass  the  night  in  some  hay 
stack,  though  the  wind  blew  very  cold  and  very  hard. 
In  the  midst  of  these  troubles  one  of  us  recollected 
that  he  had  a  horse-shoe  in  his  pocket,  which  he 
found  in  his  walk,  and  asked  me  if  I  could  not  wrench 
the  staple  out  with  that.  I  took  it,  went,  tried,  and 
succeeded,  and  brought  the  boat  ashore  to  them. 
Now  we  rejoiced  and  all  got  in,  and,  when  I  had 
dressed  myself,  we  put  off.  But  the  worst  of  all  our 
troubles  was  to  come  yet;  for,  it  being  high  water 
and  the  tide  over  all  the  banks,  though  it  was  moon 
light  we  could  not  discern  the  channel  of  the  creek; 
but,  rowing  heedlessly  straight  forward,  when  we 
were  got  about  half  way  over,  we  found  ourselves 
aground  on  a  mud  bank:  and,  striving  to  row  her 
off  by  putting  our  oars  in  the  mud,  we  broke  one 
and  there  stuck  fast,  not  having  four  inches  water. 
We  were  now  in  the  utmost  perplexity,  not  knowing 
what  in  the  world  to  do ;  we  could  not  tell  whether 
the  tide  was  rising  or  falling;  but  at  length  we 
plainly  perceived  it  was  ebb,  and  we  could  feel  no 
deeper  water  within  the  reach  of  our  oar. 

It  was  hard  to  lie  in  an  open  boat  all  night  exposed 
to  the  wind  and  weather;  but  it  was  worse  to  think 
how  foolish  we  should  look  in  the  morning,  when  the 
owner  of  the  boat  should  catch  us  in  that  condition, 
where  we  must  be  exposed  to  the  view  of  all  the 
town.  After  we  had  strove  and  struggled  for  half 
an  hour  and  more,  we  gave  all  over,  and  sat  down 
with  our  hands  before  us,  despairing  to  get  off;  for, 
if  the  tide  had  left  us,  we  had  been  never  the  nearer; 
we  must  have  sat  in  the  boat,  as  the  mud  was  too 


n6  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

deep  for  us  to  walk  ashore  through  it,  being  up  to 
our  necks.  At  last  we  bethought  ourselves  of  some 
means  of  escaping,  and  two  of  us  stripped  and  got 
out,  and  thereby  lightening  the  boat  we  drew  her 
upon  our  knees  near  fifty  yards  into  deeper  water; 
and  then  with  much  ado,  having  but  one  oar,  we  got 
safe  ashore  under  the  fort;  and,  having  dressed  our 
selves  and  tied  the  man's  boat,  we  went  with  great 
joy  to  the  Queen's  Head,  where  we  left  our  com 
panions,  whom  we  found  waiting  for  us,  though  it 
was  very  late.  Our  boat  being  gone  on  board,  we 
were  obliged  to  lie  ashore  all  night;  and  thus  ended 
our  walk. 

Sunday,  July  31  st. — This  morning  the  wind  being 
moderate,  our  pilot  designed  to  weigh,  and,  taking 
advantage  of  the  tide,  get  a  little  further  to  wind 
ward.  Upon  which  the  boat  came  ashore,  to  hasten 
us  on  board.  We  had  no  sooner  returned  and 
hoisted  in  our  boat,  but  the  wind  began  again  to  blow 
very  hard  to  west,  insomuch  that,  instead  of  going 
any  further,  we  were  obliged  to  weigh  and  run  down 
again  to  Cowes  for  the  sake  of  more  secure  riding, 
where  we  came  to  an  anchor  again  in  a  very  little  time ; 
and  the  pudding  which  our  mess  made  and  put  into 
the  pot  at  Yarmouth,  we  dined  upon  at  Cowes. 

Monday,  August  ist. — This  morning  all  the  ves 
sels  in  the  harbour  put  out  their  colors  in  honor  of 
the  day,  and  it  made  a  very  pretty  appearance.  The 
wind  continuing  to  blow  hard  westerly,  our  mess  re 
solved  to  go  on  shore,  though  all  our  loose  corks  were 
gone  already.  We  took  with  us  some  goods  to  dis 
pose  of,  and  walked  to  Newport  to  make  our  market, 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  117 

where  we  sold  for  three  shillings  in  the  pound  less 
than  the  prime  cost  in  London;  and,  having  dined 
at  Newport,  we  returned  in  the  evening  to  Cowes, 
and  concluded  to  lodge  on  shore. 

Tuesday,  August  2d. — This  day  we  passed  on 
shore  diverting  ourselves  as  well  as  we  could;  and 
the  wind  continuing  still  westerly,  we  stayed  on 
shore  this  night  also. 

Wednesday,  August  $d. —  This  morning  we  were 
hurried  on  board,  having  scarce  time  to  dine,  weighed 
anchor,  and  stood  away  for  Yarmouth  again,  though 
the  wind  is  still  westerly;  but,  meeting  with  a  hoy 
when  we  were  near  half-way  there,  that  had  some 
goods  on  board  for  us  to  take  in,  we  tacked  about 
for  Cowes,  and  came  to  anchor  there  a  third  time, 
about  four  in  the  afternoon. 

Thursday,  August  %th. — Stayed  on  board  till 
about  five  in  the  afternoon,  and  then  went  on  shore 
and  stopped  all  night. 

Friday,  August  $th. — Called  up  this  morning  and 
hurried  aboard,  the  wind  being  northwest.  About 
noon  we  weighed  and  left  Cowes  a  third  time,  and, 
sailing  by  Yarmouth,  we  came  into  the  channel 
through  the  Needles;  which  passage  is  guarded  by 
Hurst  Castle,  standing  on  a  spit  of  land  which  runs 
out  from  the  main  land  of  England  within  a  mile  of 
the  Isle  of  Wight.  Towards  night  the  wind  veered 
to  the  westward,  which  put  us  under  apprehensions 
of  being  forced  into  port  again ;  but  presently  after 
it  fell  a  flat  calm,  and  then  we  had  a  small  breeze 
that  was  fair  for  half  an  hour,  when  it  was  succeeded 
by  a  calm  again. 


n8  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

Saturday,  August  6th. — This  morning  we  had  a 
fair  breeze  for  some  hours,  and  then  a  calm  that 
lasted  all  day.  In  the  afternoon  I  leaped  overboard 
and  swam  around  the  ship  to  wash  myself.  Saw 
several  porpoises  this  day.  About  eight  o'clock  we 
came  to  an  anchor  in  forty  fathom  water  against 
the  tide  of  flood,  somewhere  below  Portland,  and 
weighed  again  about  eleven,  having  a  small  breeze. 

Sunday,  August  jth. — Gentle  breezes  all  this  day. 
Spoke  with  a  ship,  the  Ruby,  bound  for  London  from 
Nevis,  off  the  Start  of  Plymouth.  This  afternoon 
spoke  with  Captain  Homans  in  a  ship  bound  for 
Boston,  who  came  out  of  the  river  when  we  did,  and 
had  been  beating  about  in  the  channel  all  the  time 
we  lay  at  Cowes  in  the  Wight. 

Monday,  August  Sth. — Fine  weather,  but  no  wind 
worth  mentioning,  all  this  day;  in  the  afternoon 
saw  the  Lizard. 

Tuesday,  August  qth. — Took  our  leave  of  the  land 
this  morning.  Calms  the  fore  part  of  the  day.  In 
the  afternoon  a  small  gale;  fair.  Saw  a  grampus. 

Wednesday,  August  loth. — Wind  N.  W.  Course 
S.  W.  about  four  knots.  By  observation  in  latitude 
48°  50'.  Nothing  remarkable  happened. 

Thursday,  August  nth. — Nothing  remarkable. 
Fresh  gale  all  day. 

Friday,  August  i2th;  Saturday,  i$th;  Sunday, 
1 4th. — Calms  and  fair  breezes  alternately. 

Monday,  i$th;  Tuesday,  i6th;  Wednesday,  i^jth. 
— No  contrary  winds,  but  calm  and  fair  breezes  al 
ternately. 

Thursday,  August  iSth. — Four  dolphins  followed 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  119 

the  ship  for  some  hours ;  we  struck  at  them  with  the 
fizgig;  but  took  none. 

Friday,  August  igth. — This  day  we  have  had  a 
pleasant  breeze  at  east.  In  the  morning  we  spied  a 
sail  upon  our  larboard  bow,  about  two  leagues'  dis 
tance.  About  noon  she  put  out  English  colors,  and 
we  answered  with  our  ensign,  and  in  the  afternoon 
we  spoke  with  her.  She  was  a  ship,  of  New  York, 
Walter  Kippen,  master,  bound  from  Rochelle,  in 
France,  to  Boston,  with  salt.  Our  captain  and  Mr. 
D—  -  went  on  board,  and  stayed  till  evening,  it 
being  fine  weather.  Yesterday,  complaints  being 
made  that  a  Mr.  G—  — n,  one  of  the  passengers,  had, 
with  a  fraudulent  design,  marked  the  cards,  a  court 
of  justice  was  called  immediately,  and  he  was 
brought  to  his  trial  in  form.  A  Dutchman,  who 
could  speak  no  English,  deposed,  by  his  interpreter, 
that,  when  our  mess  was  on  shore  at  Cowes,  the 
prisoner  at  the  bar  marked  all  the  court  cards  on  the 
back  with  a  pen. 

I  have  sometimes  observed,  that  we  are  apt  to 
fancy  the  person  that  cannot  speak  intelligibly  to  us, 
proportionably  stupid  in  understanding,  and,  when 
we  speak  two  or  three  words  of  English  to  a  foreigner, 
it  is  louder  than  ordinary,  as  if  we  thought  him  deaf, 
and  that  he  had  lost  the  use  of  his  ears  as  well  as  his 
tongue.  Something  like  this  I  imagine  might  be  the 
case  of  Mr.  G—  — n;  he  fancied  the  Dutchman  could 
not  see  what  he  was  about,  because  he  could  not 
understand  English,  and  therefore  boldly  did  it  be 
fore  his  face. 

The  evidence  was  plain  and  positive;  the  prisoner 


I2O  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

could  not  deny  the  fact,  but  replied  in  his  defence, 
that  the  cards  he  marked  were  not  those  he  com 
monly  played  with,  but  an  imperfect  pack,  which  he 
afterwards  gave  to  the  cabin-boy.  The  attorney- 
general  observed  to  the  court,  that  it  was  not  likely 
he  should  take  the  pains  to  mark  the  cards  without 
some  ill  design,  or  some  further  intention  than  just 
to  give  them  to  the  boy  when  he  had  done,  who 
understood  nothing  at  all  of  cards.  But  another 
evidence,  being  called,  deposed,  that  he  saw  the 
prisoner  in  the  main-top  one  day,  when  he  thought 
himself  unobserved,  marking  a  pack  of  cards  on  the 
backs,  some  with  the  print  of  a  dirty  thumb,  others 
with  the  top  of  his  finger,  etc.  Now,  there  being  but 
two  packs  on  board,  and  the  prisoner  having  just 
confessed  the  marking  of  one,  the  court  perceived 
the  case  was  plain.  In  fine,  the  jury  brought  him 
in  guilty,  and  he  was  condemned  to  be  carried  up  to 
the  round-top,  and  made  fast  there,  in  view  of  all  the 
ship's  company,  during  the  space  of  three  hours,  that 
being  the  place  where  the  act  was  committed,  and  to 
pay  a  fine  of  two  bottles  of  brandy.  But,  the  pris 
oner  resisting  authority  and  refusing  to  submit  to 
punishment,  one  of  the  sailors  stepped  up  aloft  and 
let  down  a  rope  to  us,  which  we,  with  much  strug 
gling,  made  fast  about  his  middle,  and  hoisted  him 
up  into  the  air,  sprawling,  by  main  force.  We  let 
him  hang,  cursing  and  swearing,  for  near  a  quarter 
of  an  hour ;  but  at  length,  he  crying  out  Murder !  and 
looking  black  in  the  face,  the  rope  being  overtaught 
about  his  middle,  we  thought  proper  to  let  him  down 
again ;  and  our  mess  have  excommunicated  him  till 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  121 

he  pays  his  fine,  refusing  either  to  play,  eat,  drink, 
or  converse  with  him. 

Saturday,  August  2oth. — We  shortened  sail  all  last 
night  and  all  this  day,  to  keep  company  with  the 
other  ship.  About  noon  Captain  Kippen  and  one  of 
his  passengers  came  on  board  and  dined  with  us; 
they  stayed  till  evening.  When  they  were  gone,  we 
made  sail  and  left  them. 

Sunday,  August  2ist. — This  morning  we  lost  sight 
of  the  Yorker,  having  a  brisk  gale  of  wind  at  east. 
Towards  night  a  poor  little  bird  came  on  board  us, 
being  almost  tired  to  death,  and  suffered  himself 
to  be  taken  by  the  hand.  We  reckon  ourselves 
near  two  hundred  leagues  from  land,  so  that  no 
doubt  a  little  rest  was  very  acceptable  to  the  un 
fortunate  wanderer,  who,  't  is  like,  was  blown  off  the 
coast  in  thick  weather,  and  could  not  find  its  way 
back  again.  We  receive  it  hospitably,  and  tender 
it  victuals  and  drink;  but  he  refuses  both,  and  I 
suppose  will  not  live  long.  There  was  one  came  on 
board  some  days  ago,  in  the  same  circumstances 
with  this,  which  I  think  the  cat  destroyed. 

Monday,  August  22d. — This  morning  I  saw  several 
flying-fish,  but  they  were  small.  A  favorable  wind 
all  day. 

Tuesday,  August  2$d;  Wednesday,  24th. — Fair 
winds,  nothing  remarkable. 

Thursday,  August  2$th. — Our  excommunicated 
shipmate  thinking  proper  to  comply  with  the  sen 
tence  the  court  passed  upon  him,  and  expressing 
himself  willing  to  pay  the  fine,  we  have  this  morning 
received  him  into  unity  again.  Man  is  a  sociable 


122  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

being,  and  it  is,  for  aught  I  know,  one  of  the  worst 
of  punishments  to  be  excluded  from  society.  I 
have  read  abundance  of  fine  things  on  the  subject  of 
solitude,  and  I  know  't  is  a  common  boast  in  the 
mouths  of  those  that  affect  to  be  thought  wise,  that 
they  are  never  less  alone  than  when  alone.  I  acknow 
ledge  solitude  an  agreeable  refreshment  to  a  busy 
mind;  but,  were  these  thinking  people  obliged  to  be 
always  alone,  I  am  apt  to  think  they  would  quickly 
find  their  very  being  insupportable  to  them.  I  have 
heard  of  a  gentleman,  who  underwent  seven  years' 
close  confinement,  in  the  Bastille,  at  Paris.  He  was 
a  man  of  sense,  he  was  a  thinking  man;  but,  being 
deprived  of  all  conversation,  to  what  purpose  should 
he  think?  for  he  was  denied  even  the  instruments 
of  expressing  his  thoughts  in  writing.  There  is  no 
burden  so  grievous  to  man  as  time  that  he  knows 
not  how  to  dispose  of.  He  was  forced  at  last  to  have 
recourse  to  this  invention;  he  daily  scattered  pieces 
of  paper  about  the  floor  of  his  little  room,  and  then 
employed  himself  in  picking  them  up  and  sticking 
them  in  rows  and  figures  on  the  arm  of  his  elbow- 
chair;  and  he  used  to  tell  his  friends,  after  his  re 
lease,  that  he  verily  believed,  if  he  had  not  taken  this 
method  he  should  have  lost  his  senses.  One  of  the 
philosophers,  I  think  it  was  Plato,  used  to  say,  that 
he  had  rather  be  the  veriest  stupid  block  in  nature, 
than  the  possessor  of  all  knowledge  without  some  in 
telligent  being  to  communicate  it  to. 

What  I  have  said  may  in  a  measure  account  for 
some  particulars  in  my  present  way  of  living  here  on 
board.  Our  company  is,  in  general,  very  unsuitably 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  123 

mixed,  to  keep  up  the  pleasure  and  spirit  of  conversa 
tion;  and,  if  there  are  one  or  two  pair  of  us  that  can 
sometimes  entertain  one  another  for  half  an  hour 
agreeably,  yet  perhaps  we  are  seldom  in  the  humor 
for  it  together.  I  rise  in  the  morning  and  read  for 
an  hour  or  two,  perhaps,  and  then  reading  grows  tire 
some.  Want  of  exercise  occasions  want  of  appetite, 
so  that  eating  and  drinking  afford  but  little  pleasure. 
I  tire  myself  with  playing  at  drafts,  then  I  go  to 
cards;  nay,  there  is  no  play  so  trifling  or  childish, 
but  we  fly  to  it  for  entertainment.  A  contrary  wind, 
I  know  not  how,  puts  us  all  out  of  good  humor ;  we 
grow  sullen,  silent,  and  reserved,  and  fret  at  each 
other  upon  every  little  occasion.  'T  is  a  common 
opinion  among  the  ladies,  that,  if  a  man  is  ill- 
natured,  he  infallibly  discovers  it  when  he  is  in 
liquor.  But  I,  who  have  known  many  instances  to 
the  contrary,  will  teach  them  a  more  effectual 
method  to  discover  the  natural  temper  and  disposi 
tion  of  their  humble  servants.  Let  the  ladies  make 
one  long  sea- voyage  with  them,  and,  if  they  have  the 
least  spark  of  ill-nature  in  them,  and  conceal  it 
to  the  end  of  the  voyage,  I  will  forfeit  all  my 
pretensions  to  their  favor.  The  wind  continues 
fair. 

Friday,  August  26th. — The  wind  and  weather  fair, 
till  night  came  on;  and  then  the  wind  came  about, 
and  we  had  hard  squalls,  with  rain  and  lightning, 
till  morning. 

Saturday,  August  27 th. — Cleared  up  this  morning, 
and  the  wind  settled  westerly.  Two  dolphins  fol 
lowed  us  this  afternoon;  we  hooked  one,  and  struck 


124  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

the  other  with  a  fizgig;  but  they  both  escaped  us, 
and  we  saw  them  no  more. 

Sunday,  August  2&th. — The  wind  still  continues 
westerly,  and  blows  hard.  We  are  under  a  reefed 
mainsail  and  foresail. 

Monday,  August  2gth. — Wind  still  hard  west. 
Two  dolphins  followed  us  this  day;  we  struck  at 
them,  but  they  both  escaped. 

Tuesday,  August  ^oth. — Contrary  wind  still.  This 
evening,  the  moon  being  near  full,  as  she  rose  after 
eight  o'clock,  there  appeared  a  rainbow  in  a  western 
cloud,  to  windward  of  us.  The  first  time  I  ever  saw 
a  rainbow  in  the  night,  caused  by  the  moon. 

Wednesday,  August  3 is/. —  Wind  still  west;  no 
thing  remarkable. 

Thursday,  September  ist. — Bad  weather,  and  con 
trary  winds. 

Friday,  September  id. — This  morning  the  wind 
changed;  a  little  fair.  We  caught  a  couple  of  dol 
phins,  and  fried  them  for  dinner.  They  tasted 
tolerably  well.  These  fish  make  a  glorious  appear 
ance  in  the  water;  their  bodies  are  of  a  bright  green, 
mixed  with  a  silver  color,  and  their  tails  of  a  shining 
golden  yellow;  but  all  this  vanishes  presently  after 
they  are  taken  out  of  their  element,  and  they  change 
all  over  to  a  light  grey.  I  observed  that  cutting 
off  pieces  of  a  just- caught,  living  dolphin  for  baits, 
those  pieces  did  not  lose  their  lustre  and  fine  colors 
when  the  dolphin  died,  but  retained  them  perfectly. 
Every  one  takes  notice  of  that  vulgar  error  of  the 
painters,  who  always  represent  this  fish  monstrously 
crooked  and  deformed,  when  it  is,  in  reality,  as 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  125 

beautiful  and  well-shaped  a  fish  as  any  that  swims. 
I  cannot  think  what  could  be  the  original  of  this 
chimera  of  theirs,  since  there  is  not  a  creature  in  na 
ture  that  in  the  least  resembles  their  dolphin,  unless 
it  proceeded  at  first  from  a  false  imitation  of  a  fish 
in  the  posture  of  leaping,  which  they  have  since  im 
proved  into  a  crooked  monster,  with  a  head  and  eyes 
like  a  bull,  a  hog's  snout,  and  a  tail  like  a  blown 
tulip.  But  the  sailors  give  me  another  reason, 
though  a  whimsical  one,  viz.  that,  as  this  most 
beautiful  fish  is  only  to  be  caught  at  sea,  and  that 
very  far  to  the  southward,  they  say  the  painters  wil 
fully  deform  it  in  their  representations,  lest  preg 
nant  women  should  long  for  what  it  is  impossible  to 
procure  for  them. 

Saturday,  September  $d;  Sunday,  ^th;  Monday, 
$th. — Wind  still  westerly;  nothing  remarkable. 

Tuesday,  September  6th. — This  afternoon,  the  wind, 
still  continuing  in  the  same  quarter,  increased  till  it 
blew  a  storm,  and  raised  the  sea  to  a  greater  height 
than  I  had  ever  seen  it  before. 

Wednesday,  September  jth. — The  wind  is  some 
what  abated,  but  the  sea  is  very  high  still.  A  dol 
phin  kept  us  company  all  this  afternoon;  we  struck 
at  him  several  times,  but  could  not  take  him. 

Thursday,  September  8th. — This  day  nothing  re 
markable  has  happened.  Contrary  wind. 

Friday,  September  gth. — This  afternoon  we  took 
four  large  dolphins,  three  with  a  hook  and  line,  and 
the  fourth  we  struck  with  a  fizgig.  The  bait  was  a 
candle  with  two  feathers  stuck  in  it,  one  on  each 
side,  in  imitation  of  a  flying-fish,  which  are  the 


i26  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

common  prey  of  the  dolphins.  They  appeared  ex 
tremely  eager  and  hungry,  and  snapped  up  the  hook 
as  soon  as  ever  it  touched  the  water.  When  we 
came  to  open  them,  we  found  in  the  belly  of  one  a 
small  dolphin,  half -digested.  Certainly  they  were 
half -famished,  or  are  naturally  very  savage,  to  de 
vour  those  of  their  own  species. 

Saturday,  September  loth. — This  day  we  dined 
upon  the  dolphins  we  caught  yesterday,  three  of 
them  sufficing  the  whole  ship,  being  twenty-one 
persons. 

Sunday,  September  nth. — We  have  had  a  hard 
gale  of  wind  all  this  day,  accompanied  with  showers 
of  rain.  'T  is  uncomfortable  being  upon  deck;  and, 
though  we  have  been  all  together  all  day  below,  yet 
the  long  continuance  of  these  contrary  winds  has 
made  us  so  dull,  that  scarce  three  words  have  passed 
between  us. 

Monday,  September  i2th;  Tuesday,  i$th. — Nothing 
remarkable;  wind  contrary. 

Wednesday,  September  i^th. — This  afternoon,  about 
two  o'clock,  it  being  fair  weather  and  almost  calm, 
as  we  sat  playing  drafts  upon  deck,  we  were  sur 
prised  with  a  sudden  and  unusual  darkness  of  the 
sun,  which,  as  we  could  perceive,  was  only  covered 
with  a  small,  thin  cloud;  when  that  was  passed  by, 
we  discovered  that  that  glorious  luminary  labored 
under  a  very  great  eclipse.  At  least  ten  parts  out  of 
twelve  of  him  were  hid  from  our  eyes,  and  we  were 
apprehensive  he  would  have  been  totally  darkened. 

Thursday,  September  i$th. — For  a  week  past  we 
have  fed  ourselves  with  the  hopes,  that  the  change  of 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  127 

the  moon  (which  was  yesterday)  would  bring  us  a 
fair  wind;  but,  to  our  great  mortification  and  dis 
appointment,  the  wind  seems  now  settled  in  the 
westward,  and  shows  as  little  signs  of  an  alteration 
as  it  did  a  fortnight  ago. 

Friday  .September  i6th. — Calm  all  this  day.  This 
morning  we  saw  a  tropic  bird,  which  flew  round  our 
vessel  several  times.  It  is  a  white  fowl,  with  short 
wings;  but  one  feather  appears  in  his  tail,  and  he 
does  not  fly  very  fast.  We  reckon  ourselves  about 
half  our  voyage;  latitude  38  and  odd  minutes. 
These  birds  are  said  never  to  be  seen  further  north 
than  the  latitude  of  40. 

Saturday,  September  ijth. — All  the  forenoon  the 
calm  continued;  the  rest  of  the  day  some  light 
breezes  easterly ;  and  we  are  in  great  hopes  the  wind 
will  settle  in  that  quarter. 

Sunday,  September  i8th. — We  have  had  the  finest 
weather  imaginable  all  this  day,  accompanied  with 
what  is  still  more  agreeable,  a  fair  wind.  Every  one 
puts  on  a  clean  shirt  and  a  cheerful  countenance, 
and  we  begin  to  be  very  good  company.  Heaven 
grant  that  this  favorable  gale  may  continue!  for  we 
have  had  so  much  of  turning  to  windward,  that  the 
word  helm-a-lee  is  become  almost  as  disagreeable  to 
our  ears  as  the  sentence  of  a  judge  to  a  convicted 
malefactor. 

Monday,  September  igth. — The  weather  looks  a 
little  uncertain,  and  we  begin  to  feel  the  loss  of  our 
fair  wind.  We  see  tropic  birds  every  day,  some 
times  five  or  six  together;  they  are  about  as  big  as 
pigeons. 


128  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

Tuesday,  September  2oth. — The  wind  is  now  west 
erly  again,  to  our  great  mortification;  and  we  are 
come  to  an  allowance  of  bread,  two  biscuits  and  a 
half  a  day. 

Wednesday,  September  2ist. — This  morning  our 
steward  was  brought  to  the  geers  and  whipped,  for 
making  an  extravagant  use  of  flour  in  the  puddings, 
and  for  several  other  misdemeanors.  It  has  been 
perfectly  calm  all  this  day,  and  very  hot.  I  was 
determined  to  wash  myself  in  the  sea  to-day,  and 
should  have  done  so,  had  not  the  appearance  of  a 
shark,  that  mortal  enemy  to  swimmers,  deterred 
me;  he  seemed  to  be  about  five  feet  long,  moves 
round  the  ship  at  some  distance,  in  a  slow  majestic 
manner,  attended  by  near  a  dozen  of  those  they  call 
pilot-fish,  of  different  sizes;  the  largest  of  them  is 
not  so  big  as  a  small  mackerel,  and  the  smallest  not 
bigger  than  my  little  finger.  Two  of  these  diminutive 
pilots  keep  just  before  his  nose,  and  he  seems  to  gov 
ern  himself  in  his  motions  by  their  direction ;  while 
the  rest  surround  him  on  every  side  indifferently. 
A  shark  is  never  seen  without  a  retinue  of  these,  who 
are  his  purveyors,  discovering  and  distinguishing  his 
prey  for  him;  while  he  in  return  gratefully  protects 
them  from  the  ravenous,  hungry  dolphin.  They 
are  commonly  counted  a  very  greedy  fish;  yet  this 
refuses  to  meddle  with  the  bait  thrown  out  for  him. 
T  is  likely  he  has  lately  made  a  full  meal. 

Thursday,  September  2  2d. — A  fresh  gale  at  west  all 
this  day.  The  shark  has  left  us. 

Friday,  September  2$d. — This  morning  we  spied  a 
sail  to  windward  of  us  about  two  leagues.  We 


cy 

1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  129 

vj 

showed  our  jack  upon  the  ensign-staff,  and  shortened 
sail  for  them  till  about  noon,  when  she  came  up  with 
us.  She  was  the  Snow,  from  Dublin,  bound  to  New 
York,  having  upwards  of  fifty  servants  on  board,  of 
both  sexes ;  they  all  appeared  upon  deck,  and  seemed 
very  much  pleased  at  the  sight  of  us.  There  is 
really  something  strangely  cheering  to  the  spirits  in 
the  meeting  of  a  ship  at  sea,  containing  a  society  of 
creatures  of  the  same  species  and  in  the  same  cir 
cumstances  with  ourselves,  after  we  had  been  long 
separated  and  excommunicated  as  it  were  from  the 
rest  of  mankind.  My  heart  fluttered  in  my  breast 
with  joy,  when  I  saw  so  many  human  countenances, 
and  I  could  scarce  refrain  from  that  kind  of  laughter, 
which  proceeds  from  some  degree  of  inward  pleasure. 
When  we  have  been  for  a  considerable  time  tossing 
on  the  vast  waters,  far  from  the  sight  of  any  land  or 
ships,  or  any  mortal  creature  but  ourselves  (except 
a  few  fish  and  sea-birds),  the  whole  world,  for  aught 
we  know,  may  be  under  a  second  deluge,  and  we, 
like  Noah  and  his  company  in  the  ark,  the  only  sur 
viving  remnant  of  the  human  race.  The  two  cap 
tains  have  mutually  promised  to  keep  each  other 
company ;  but  this  I  look  upon  to  be  only  matter  of 
course,  for,  if  ships  are  unequal  in  their  sailing,  they 
seldom  stay  for  one  another,  especially  strangers. 
This  afternoon,  the  wind,  that  had  been  so  long  con 
trary  to  us,  came  about  to  the  eastward  (and  looks 
as  if  it  would  hold),  to  our  no  small  satisfaction.  I 
find  our  messmates  in  a  better  humor,  and  more 
pleased  with  their  present  condition,  than  they  have 
been  since  they  came  out;  which  I  take  to  proceed 


VOL.  I.— ^ 


13°  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

from  the  contemplation  of  the  miserable  circum 
stances  of  the  passengers  on  board  our  neighbour, 
and  making  the  comparison.  We  reckon  ourselves 
in  a  kind  of  paradise,  when  we  consider  how  they 
live,  confined  and  stifled  up  with  such  a  lousy, 
stinking  rabble,  in  this  sultry  latitude. 

Saturday,  September  24th. — Last  night  we  had  a 
very  high  wind,  and  very  thick  weather;  in  which 
we  lost  our  consort.  This  morning  early  we  spied  a 
sail  ahead  of  us,  which  we  took  to  be  her;  but  pre 
sently  after  we  espied  another,  and  then  we  plainly 
perceived,  that  neither  of  them  could  be  the  Snow; 
for  one  of  them  stemmed  with  us,  and  the  other  bore 
down  directly  upon  us,  having  the  weather-gage  of 
us.  As  the  latter  drew  near,  we  were  a  little  sur 
prised,  not  knowing  what  to  make  of  her;  for,  by 
the  course  she  steered,  she  did  not  seem  designed  for 
any  port,  but  looked  as  if  she  intended  to  clap  us 
aboard  immediately.  I  could  perceive  concern  in 
every  face  on  board;  but  she  presently  eased  us  of 
our  apprehensions  by  bearing  away  astern  of  us. 
When  we  hoisted  our  jack,  she  answered  with  French 
colors,  and  presently  drew  them  down  again ;  and  we 
soon  lost  sight  of  her.  The  other  ran  by  us  in  less 
than  half  an  hour,  and  answered  our  jack  with  an 
English  ensign;  she  stood  to  the  eastward,  but  the 
wind  was  too  high  to  speak  with  either  of  them. 
About  nine  o'clock  we  spied  our  consort,  who  had 
got  a  great  way  ahead  of  us.  She,  it  seems,  had 
made  sail  during  the  night,  while  we  lay  by,  with  our 
mainyard  down,  during  the  hard  gale.  She  very 
civilly  shortened  sail  for  us,  and  this  afternoon  we 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  13* 

came  up  with  her;  and  now  we  are  running  along 
very  amicably  together,  side  by  side,  having  a  most 
glorious  fair  wind. 

"On  either  side  the  parted  billows  flow, 
While  the  black  ocean  foams  and  roars  below." 

Sunday,  September  2$th. — Last  night  we  shot  ahead 
of  our  consort  pretty  far.  About  midnight,  having 
lost  sight  of  each  other,  we  shortened  sail  for  them; 
but  this  morning  they  were  got  as  far  ahead  of  us  as 
we  could  see,  having  run  by  us  in  the  dark  unper- 
ceived.  We  made  sail  and  came  up  with  them  about 
noon;  and,  if  we  chance  to  be  ahead  of  them  again 
in  the  night,  we  are  to  show  them  a  light,  that  we  may 
not  lose  company  by  any  such  accident  for  the  future. 
The  wind  still  continues  fair,  and  we  have  made  a 
greater  run  these  last  four-and-twenty  hours  than 
we  have  done  since  we  came  out.  All  our  discourse, 
now,  is  of  Philadelphia,  and  we  begin  to  fancy  our 
selves  on  shore  already.  Yet  a  small  change  of 
weather,  attended  by  a  westerly  wind,  is  sufficient 
to  blast  all  our  blooming  hopes,  and  quite  spoil  our 
present  good  humor. 

Monday,  September  26th. — The  wind  continued 
fair  all  night.  In  the  twelve  o'clock  watch  our  con 
sort,  who  was  about  a  league  ahead  of  us,  showed 
us  a  light,  and  we  answered  with  another.  About 
six  o'clock  this  morning  we  had  a  sudden  hurry  of 
wind  at  all  points  of  the  compass,  accompanied  with 
the  most  violent  shower  of  rain  I  ever  saw,  insomuch 
that  the  sea  looked  like  a  cream  dish.  It  surprised 
us  with  all  our  sails  up,  and  was  so  various,  uncer- 


i32  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

tain,  and  contrary,  that  the  mizzen  topsail  was  full, 
while  the  head  sails  were  all  aback;  and,  before  the 
men  could  run  from  one  end  of  the  ship  to  the  other, 
't  was  about  again.  But  this  did  not  last  long  ere 
the  wind  settled  to  the  northeast  again,  to  our  great 
satisfaction.  Our  consort  fell  astern  of  us  in  the 
storm,  but  made  sail  and  came  up  with  us  again 
after  it  was  over.  We  hailed  one  another  on  the 
morrow,  congratulating  upon  the  continuance  of 
the  fair  wind,  and  both  ran  on  very  lovingly  together. 

Tuesday,  September  2*]th. — The  fair  wind  continues 
still.  I  have  laid  a  bowl  of  punch,  that  we  are  in 
Philadelphia  next  Saturday  se'nnight;  for  we  reckon 
ourselves  not  above  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues 
from  land.  The  Snow  keeps  us  company  still. 

Wednesday,  September  28th. — We  had  very  varia 
ble  winds  and  weather  last  night,  accompanied  with 
abundance  of  rain;  and  now  the  wind  is  come  about 
westerly  again,  but  we  must  bear  it  with  patience. 
This  afternoon  we  took  up  several  branches  of  gulf- 
weed  (with  which  the  sea  is  spread  all  over,  from  the 
Western  Isles  to  the  coast  of  America) ;  but  one  of 
these  branches  had  something  peculiar  in  it.  In 
common  with  the  rest,  it  had  a  leaf  about  three 
quarters  of  an  inch  long,  indented  like  a  saw,  and  a 
small  yellow  berry,  filled  with  nothing  but  wind; 
besides  which  it  bore  a  fruit  of  the  animal  kind,  very 
surprising  to  see.  It  was  a  small  shell-fish  like  a 
heart,  the  stalk  by  which  it  proceeded  from  the 
branch  being  partly  of  a  grisly  kind.  Upon  this  one 
branch  of  the  weed,  there  were  near  forty  of  these 
vegetable  animals;  the  smallest  of  them,  near  the 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  133 

end,  contained  a  substance  somewhat  like  an  oyster, 
but  the  larger  were  visibly  animated,  opening  their 
shells  every  moment,  and  thrusting  out  a  set  of  un 
formed  claws,  not  unlike  those  of  a  crab;  but  the 
inner  part  was  still  a  kind  of  soft  jelly.  Observing 
the  weed  more  narrowly,  I  spied  a  very  small  crab 
crawling  among  it,  about  as  big  as  the  head  of  a  ten- 
penny  nail,  and  of  a  yellowish  color,  like  the  weed 
itself.  This  gave  me  some  reason  to  think,  that  he 
was  a  native  of  the  branch ;  that  he  had  not  long  since 
been  in  the  same  condition  with  the  rest  of  those 
little  embryos  that  appeared  in  the  shells,  this  being 
the  method  of  their  generation;  and  that,  conse 
quently,  all  the  rest  of  this  odd  kind  of  fruit  might 
be  crabs  in  due  time.  To  strengthen  my  conjecture, 
I  have  resolved  to  keep  the  weed  in  salt  water,  re 
newing  it  every  day  till  we  come  on  shore,  by  this 
experiment  to  see  whether  any  more  crabs  will  be 
produced  or  not  in  this  manner. 

I  remember  that  the  last  calm  we  had,  we  took 
notice  of  a  large  crab  upon  the  surface  of  the  sea, 
swimming  from  one  branch  of  weed  to  another, 
which  he  seemed  to  prey  upon ;  and  I  likewise  recol 
lect  that  at  Boston,  in  New  England,  I  have  often 
seen  small  crabs  with  a  shell  like  a  snail's  upon  their 
backs,  crawling  about  in  the  salt  water;  and  like 
wise  at  Portsmouth  in  England.  It  is  likely,  Nature 
has  provided  this  hard  shell  to  secure  them  till  their 
own  proper  shell  has  acquired  a  sufficient  hardness, 
which,  once  perfected,  they  quit  their  old  habitation 
and  venture  abroad  safe  in  their  own  strength.  The 
various  changes  that  silkworms,  butterflies,  and 


J34  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

several  other  insects  go  through,  make  such  altera 
tions  and  metamorphoses  not  improbable.  This  day 
the  captain  of  the  Snow  and  one  of  his  passengers 
came  on  board  us;  but  the  wind  beginning  to  blow, 
they  did  not  stay  to  dinner,  but  returned  to  their 
own  vessel. 

Thursday,  September  2gth. — Upon  shifting  the 
water  in  which  I  had  put  the  weed  yesterday,  I 
found  another  crab,  much  smaller  than  the  former, 
who  seemed  to  have  newly  left  his  habitation.  But 
the  weed  begins  to  wither,  and  the  rest  of  the  em 
bryos  are  dead.  This  new-comer  fully  convinces  me, 
that  at  least  this  sort  of  crabs  are  generated  in  this 
manner.  The  Snow's  captain  dined  on  board  us 
this  day.  Little  or  no  wind. 

Friday,  September  $oth. — I  sat  up  last  night  to 
observe  an  eclipse  of  the  moon,  which  the  calendar, 
calculated  for  London,  informed  us  would  happen  at 
five  o'clock  in  the  morning,  September  3oth.  It 
began  with  us  about  eleven  last  night,  and  continued 
till  near  two  this  morning,  darkening  her  body  about 
six  digits,  or  one  half;  the  middle  of  it  being  about 
half  an  hour  after  twelve,  by  which  we  may  discover 
that  we  are  in  a  meridian  of  about  four  hours  and  a 
half  from  London,  or  67-^  degrees  of  longitude,  and 
consequently  have  not  much  above  one  hundred 
leagues  to  run.  This  is  the  second  eclipse  we  have 
had  within  these  fifteen  days.  We  lost  our  consort 
in  the  night,  but  saw  him  again  this  morning  near 
two  leagues  to  the  windward.  This  afternoon  we 
spoke  with  him  again.  We  have  had  abundance  of 
dolphins  about  us  these  three  or  four  days;  but  we 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  135 

have  not  taken  any  more  than  one,  they  being  shy 
of  the  bait.  I  took  in  some  more  gulf -weed  to-day 
with  the  boat-hook,  with  shells  upon  it  like  that 
before  mentioned,  and  three  living  perfect  crabs, 
each  less  than  the  nail  of  my  little  finger.  One  of 
them  had  something  particularly  observable,  to  wit, 
a  thin  piece  of  the  white  shell  which  I  before  noticed 
as  their  covering  while  they  remained  in  the  con 
dition  of  embryos,  sticking  close  to  his  natural  shell 
upon  his  back.  This  sufficiently  confirms  me  in  my 
opinion  of  the  manner  of  their  generation.  I  have 
put  this  remarkable  crab  with  a  piece  of  the  gulf- 
weed,  shells,  &c.  into  a  glass  phial,  filled  with  salt 
water,  (for  want  of  spirits  of  wine,)  in  hopes  to  pre 
serve  the  curiosity  till  I  come  on  shore.  The  wind 
is  southwest. 

Saturday,  October  ist. — Last  night  our  consort, 
who  goes  incomparably  better  upon  a  wind  than  our 
vessel,  got  so  far  to  windward  and  ahead  of  us,  that 
this  morning  we  could  see  nothing  of  him,  and  it  is 
like  shall  see  him  no  more.  These  southwests  are 
hot,  damp  winds,  and  bring  abundance  of  rain  and 
dirty  weather  with  them. 

Sunday,  October  2d. — Last  night  we  prepared  our 
line  with  a  design  to  sound  this  morning  at  four 
o'clock;    but  the  wind  coming  about  again  to  the 
northwest,  we  let  it  alone.     I  cannot  help  fancying 
the  water  is  changed  a  little,  as  is  usual  when  a  ship 
comes  within  soundings,   but  it  is  probable  I  am 
mistaken;   for  there  is  but  one  besides  myself  of  my  , 
opinion,  and  we  are  very  apt  to  believe  what  we ' 
wish  to  be  true. 


136  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

Monday,  October  $d. — The  water  is  now  very  vis 
ibly  changed  to  the  eyes  of  all  except  the  captain 
and  the  mate,  and  they  will  by  no  means  allow 
it  ;  I  suppose  because  they  did  not  see  it  first. 
Abundance  of  dolphins  are  about  us,  but  they 
are  very  shy  and  keep  at  a  distance.  Wind  north 
west. 

Tuesday,  October  4th. — Last  night  we  struck  a  dol 
phin,  and  this  morning  we  found  a  flying-fish  dead 
under  the  windlass.  He  is  about  the  bigness  of  a 
small  mackerel,  a  sharp  head,  a  small  mouth,  and  a 
tail  forked  somewhat  like  a  dolphin,  but  the  lowest 
branch  much  larger  and  longer  than  the  other,  and 
tinged  with  yellow.  His  back  and  sides  of  a  darkish 
blue,  his  belly  white,  and  his  skin  very  thick.  His 
wings  are  of  a  finny  substance,  about  a  span  long 
reaching,  when  close  to  his  body,  from  an  inch  belo\v 
his  gills  to  an  inch  above  his  tail.  When  they  fly  it 
is  straight  forward,  (for  they  cannot  readily  turn,) 
a  yard  or  two  above  the  water;  and  perhaps  fifty 
yards  is  the  furthest  before  they  dip  into  the  water 
again,  for  they  cannot  support  themselves  in  the  air 
any  longer  than  while  their  wings  continue  wet. 
These  flying-fish  are  the  common  prey  of  the  dol 
phin,  who  is  their  mortal  enemy.  When  he  pursues 
them,  they  rise  and  fly;  and  he  keeps  close  under 
them  till  they  drop,  and  then  snaps  them  up  im 
mediately.  They  generally  fly  in  flocks,  four  or  five, 
or  perhaps  a  dozen  together,  and  a  dolphin  is  seldom 
caught  without  one  or  more  in  his  belly.  We  put 
this  flying-fish  upon  the  hook,  in  hopes  of  catching 
one,  but  in  a  few  minutes  they  got  it  off  without 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  137 

hooking  themselves;  and  they  will  not  meddle  with 
any  other  bait. 

Tuesday  Night. — Since  eleven  o'clock  we  have 
struck  three  fine  dolphins,  which  are  a  great  refresh 
ment  to  us.  This  afternoon  we  have  seen  abun 
dance  of  grampuses,  which  are  seldom  far  from  land; 
but  towards  evening  we  had  a  more  evident  token, 
to  wit,  a  little  tired  bird,  something  like  a  lark,  came 
on  board  us,  who  certainly  is  an  American,  and  't  is 
likely  was  ashore  this  day.  It  is  now  calm.  We 
hope  for  a  fair  wind  next. 

Wednesday,  October  $th. — This  morning  we  saw  a 
heron,  who  had  lodged  aboard  last  night.  It  is  a 
long-legged,  long-necked  bird,  having,  as  they  say, 
but  one  gut.  They  live  upon  fish,  and  will  swallow 
a  living  eel  thrice,  sometimes,  before  it  will  remain 
in  their  body.  The  wind  is  west  again.  The  ship's 
crew  was  brought  to  a  short  allowance  of  water. 

Thursday,  October  6th. — This  morning  abundance 
of  grass,  rock- weed,  &c.,  passed  by  us;  evident 
tokens  that  land  is  not  far  off.  We  hooked  a  dol 
phin  this  morning,  that  made  us  a  good  breakfast. 
A  sail  passed  by  us  about  twelve  o'clock,  and  nobody 
saw  her  till  she  was  too  far  astern  to  be  spoken  with. 
'Tis  very  near  calm;  we  saw  another  sail  ahead 
this  afternoon;  but,  night  coming  on,  we  could  not 
speak  with  her,  though  we  very  much  desired  it; 
she  stood  to  the  northward,  and  it  is  possible  might 
have  informed  us  how  far  we  are  from  land.  Our 
artists  on  board  are  much  at  a  loss.  We  hoisted  our 
jack  to  her,  but  she  took  no  notice  of  it. 

Friday,    October    jth. — Last    night,    about    nine 


138  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

o'clock,  sprung  up  a  fine  gale  at  northeast,  which 
run  us  in  our  course  at  the  rate  of  seven  miles  an 
hour  all  night.  We  were  in  hopes  of  seeing  land 
this  morning,  but  cannot.  The  water,  which  we 
thought  was  changed,  is  now  as  blue  as  the  sky;  so 
that,  unless  at  that  time  we  were  running  over  some 
unknown  shoal,  our  eyes  strangely  deceived  us.  All 
the  reckonings  have  been  out  these  several  days; 
though  the  captain  says  't  is  his  opinion  we  are  yet 
a  hundred  leagues  from  land;  for  my  part  I  know 
not  what  to  think  of  it ;  we  have  run  all  this  day  at 
a  great  rate,  and  now  night  is  come  on  we  have  no 
soundings.  Sure  the  American  continent  is  not  all 
sunk  under  water  since  we  left  it. 

Saturday,  October  8th. — The  fair  wind  continues 
still;  we  ran  all  night  in  our  course,  sounding  every 
four  hours,  but  can  find  no  ground  yet,  nor  is  the 
water  changed  by  all  this  day's  run.  This  afternoon 
we  saw  an  Irish  lord,  and  a  bird  which,  flying,  looked 
like  a  yellow  duck.  These,  they  say,  are  not  seen 
far  from  the  coast.  Other  signs  of  land  have  we 
none.  Abundance  of  large  porpoises  ran  by  us  this 
afternoon,  and  we  were  followed  by  a  shoal  of  small 
ones,  leaping  out  of  the  water  as  they  approached. 
Towards  evening  we  spied  a  sail  ahead,  and  spoke 
with  her  just  before  dark.  She  was  bound  from  New 
York  for  Jamaica,  and  left  Sandy  Hook  yesterday 
about  noon,  from  which  they  reckon  themselves 
forty-five  leagues  distant.  By  this  we  compute  that 
we  are  not  above  thirty  leagues  from  our  Capes,  and 
hope  to  see  land  to-morrow. 

Sunday,  October  gth. — We  have  had  the  wind  fair 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  139 

all  the  morning;  at  twelve  o'clock  we  sounded,  per 
ceiving  the  water  visibly  changed,  and  struck  ground 
at  twenty- five  fathoms,  to  our  universal  joy.  After 
dinner  one  of  our  mess  went  up  aloft  to  look  out, 
and  presently  pronounced  the  long  wished-for  sound, 
LAND!  LAND!  In  less  than  an  hour  we  could  de 
scry  it  from  the  deck,  appearing  like  tufts  of  trees. 
I  could  not  discern  it  so  soon  as  the  rest;  my  eyes 
were  dimmed  with  the  suffusion  of  two  small  drops  of 
joy.  By  three  o'clock  we  were  run  in  within  two 
leagues  of  the  land,  and  spied  a  small  sail  standing 
along  shore.  We  would  gladly  have  spoken  with 
her,  for  our  captain  was  unacquainted  with  the 
coast,  and  knew  not  what  land  it  was  that  we  saw. 
We  made  all  the  sail  we  could  to  speak  with  her. 
We  made  a  signal  of  distress;  but  all  would  not  do, 
the  ill-natured  dog  would  not  come  near  us.  Then 
we  stood  off  again  till  morning,  not  caring  to  venture 
too  near. 

Monday,  October  loth. — This  morning  we  stood  in 
again  for  land;  and  we,  that  had  been  here  before, 
all  agreed  that  it  was  Cape  Henlopen;  about  noon 
we  were  come  very  near,  and  to  our  great  joy  saw 
the  pilot-boat  come  off  to  us,  which  was  exceeding 
welcome.  He  brought  on  board  about  a  peck  of 
apples  with  him;  they  seemed  the  most  delicious  I 
ever  tasted  in  my  life;  the  salt  provisions  we  had 
been  used  to,  gave  them  a  relish.  We  had  extra 
ordinary  fair  wind  all  the  afternoon,  and  ran  above 
a  hundred  miles  up  the  Delaware  before  ten  at 
night.  The  country  appears  very  pleasant  to  the 
eye,  being  covered  with  woods,  except  here  and  there 


140  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

a  house  and  plantation.  We  cast  anchor  when  the 
tide  turned,  about  two  miles  below  Newcastle,  and 
there  lay  till  the  morning  tide. 

Tuesday,  October  nth. — This  morning  we  weighed 
anchor  with  a  gentle  breeze,  and  passed  by  New 
castle,  whence  they  hailed  us  and  bade  us  welcome. 
It  is  extreme  fine  weather.  The  sun  enlivens  our 
stiff  limbs  with  his  glorious  rays  of  warmth  and 
brightness.  The  sky  looks  gay,  with  here  and  there 
a  silver  cloud.  The  fresh  breezes  from  the  woods 
refresh  us;  the  immediate  prospect  of  liberty,  after 
so  long  and  irksome  confinement,  ravishes  us.  In 
short,  all  things  conspire  to  make  this  the  most  joy 
ful  day  I  ever  knew.  As  we  passed  by  Chester,  some 
of  the  company  went  on  shore,  impatient  once  more 
to  tread  on  terra  firma,  and  designing  for  Philadel 
phia  by  land.  Four  of  us  remained  on  board,  not 
caring  for  the  fatigue  of  travel  when  we  knew  the 
voyage  had  much  weakened  us.  About  eight  at 
night,  the  wind  failing  us,  we  cast  anchor  at  Redbank, 
six  miles  from  Philadelphia,  and  thought  we  must 
be  obliged  to  lie  on  board  that  night;  but,  some 
young  Philadelphians  happening  to  be  out  upon 
their  pleasure  in  a  boat,  they  came  on  board,  and 
offered  to  take  us  up  with  them;  we  accepted  of 
their  kind  proposal,  and  about  ten  o'clock  landed  at 
Philadelphia,  heartily  congratulating  each  other 
upon  our  having  happily  completed  so  tedious  and 
dangerous  a  voyage.  Thank  God! 


We  landed  in  Philadelphia  on  the  i  ith  of  October, 
where  I  found  sundry  alterations.     Keith  was  no 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  141 

longer  governor,  being  superseded  by  Major  Gordon. 
I  met  him  walking  the  streets  as  a  common  citizen. 
He  seem'd  a  little  asham'd  at  seeing  me,  but  pass'd 
without  saying  any  thing.  I  should  have  been  as 
much  asham'd  at  seeing  Miss  Read,  had  not  her 
friends,  despairing  with  reason  of  my  return  after 
the  receipt  of  my  letter,  persuaded  her  to  marry 
another,  one  Rogers,  a  potter,  which  was  done 
in  my  absence.  With  him,  however,  she  was  never 
happy,  and  soon  parted  from  him,  refusing  to  co 
habit  with  him  or  bear  his  name,  it  being  now 
said  that  he  had  another  wife.  He  was  a  worthless 
fellow,  tho'  an  excellent  workman,  which  was  the 
temptation  to  her  friends.  He  got  into  debt,  ran 
away  in  1727  or  1728,  went  to  the  West  Indies,  and 
died  there.  Keimer  had  got  a  better  house,  a  shop 
well  supply 'd  with  stationery,  plenty  of  new  types, 
a  number  of  hands,  tho'  none  good,  and  seem'd  to 
have  a  great  deal  of  business. 

Mr.  Denham  took  a  store  in  Water-street,  where 
we  open'd  our  goods;  I  attended  the  business  dili 
gently,  studied  accounts,  and  grew,  in  a  little  time, 
expert  at  selling.  We  lodg'd  and  boarded  together; 
he  counsell'd  me  as  a  father,  having  a  sincere  regard 
for  me.  I  respected  and  lov'd  him,  and  we  might 
have  gone  on  together  very  happy;  but,  in  the 
beginning  of  February,  172-!,  when  I  had  just  pass'd 
my  twenty-first  year,  we  both  were  taken  ill.  My 
distemper  was  a  pleurisy,  which  very  nearly  carried 
me  off.  I  suffered  a  good  deal,  gave  up  the  point  in 
my  own  mind,  and  was  rather  disappointed  when  I 
found  myself  recovering,  regretting,  in  some  degree, 


142  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

that  I  must  now,  some  time  or  other,  have  all  that 
disagreeable  work  to  do  over  again.  I  forget  what 
his  distemper  was;  it  held  him  a  long  time,  and  at 
length  carried  him  off.  He  left  me  a  small  legacy  in 
a  nuncupative  will,  as  a  token  of  his  kindness  for 
me,  and  he  left  me  once  more  to  the  wide  world; 
for  the  store  was  taken  into  the  care  of  his  executors, 
and  my  employment  under  him  ended. 

My  brother-in-law,  Holmes,  being  now  at  Phila 
delphia,  advised  my  return  to  my  business;  and 
Keimer  tempted  me,  with  an  offer  of  large  wages  by 
the  year,  to  come  and  take  the  management  of  his 
printing-house,  that  he  might  better  attend  his 
stationer's  shop.  I  had  heard  a  bad  character  of 
him  in  London  from  his  wife  and  her  friends,  and 
was  not  fond  of  having  any  more  to  do  with  him.  I 
tri'd  for  farther  employment  as  a  merchant's  clerk; 
but,  not  readily  meeting  with  any,  I  clos'd  again 
with  Keimer.  I  found  in  his  house  these  hands: 
Hugh  Meredith,  a  Welsh  Pensilvanian,  thirty  years 
of  age,  bred  to  country  work;  honest,  sensible,  had 
a  great  deal  of  solid  observation,  was  something  of  a 
reader,  but  given  to  drink.  Stephen  Potts,  a  young 
countryman  of  full  age,  bred  to  the  same,  of  un 
common  natural  parts,  and  great  wit  and  humor, 
but  a  little  idle.  These  he  had  agreed  with  at  ex 
treme  low  wages  per  week,  to  be  rais'd  a  shilling 
every  three  months,  as  they  would  deserve  by  im 
proving  in  their  business;  and  the  expectation  of 
these  high  wages,  to  come  on  hereafter,  was  what  he 
had  drawn  them  in  with.  Meredith  was  to  work  at 
Dress,  Potts  at  book-binding,  which  he,  by  agree- 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  143 

ment,  was  to  teach  them,  though  he  knew  neither 
one  nor  t'other.  John  — ,  a  wild  Irishman, 
brought  up  to  no  business,  whose  service,  for  four 
years,  Keimer  had  purchased  from  the  captain  of  a 
ship;  he,  too,  was  to  be  made  a  pressman.  George 
Webb,  an  Oxford  scholar,  whose  time  for  four  years 
he  had  likewise  bought,  intending  him  for  a  com 
positor,  of  whom  more  presently;  and  David  Harry, 
a  country  boy,  whom  he  had  taken  apprentice. 

I  soon  perceiv'd  that  the  intention  of  engaging  me 
at  wages  so  much  higher  than  he  had  been  us'd  to 
give,  was,  to  have  these  raw,  cheap  hands  form'd 
thro'  me;  and,  as  soon  as  I  had  instructed  them, 
then  they  being  all  articled  to  him,  he  should  be  able 
to  do  without  me.  I  went  on,  however,  very  cheer 
fully,  put  his  printing-house  in  order,  which  had  been 
in  great  confusion,  and  brought  his  hands  by  degrees 
to  mind  their  business  and  to  do  it  better. 

It  was  an  odd  thing  to  find  an  Oxford  scholar  in 
the  situation  of  a  bought  servant.  He  was  not  more 
than  eighteen  years  of  age,  and  gave  me  this  account 
of  himself:  that  he  was  born  in  Gloucester,  educated 
at  a  grammar-school  there,  had  been  distinguish 'd 
among  the  scholars  for  some  apparent  superiority  in 
performing  his  part,  when  they  exhibited  plays;  be- 
long'd  to  the  Witty  Club  there,  and  had  written  some 
pieces  in  prose  and  verse,  which  were  printed  in  the 
Gloucester  newspapers;  thence  he  was  sent  to  Ox 
ford;  where  he  continued  about  a  year,  but  not  well 
satisfi'd,  wishing  of  all  things  to  see  London,  and  be 
come  a  player.  At  length,  receiving  his  quarterly 
allowance  of  fifteen  guineas,  instead  of  discharging 


144  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

his  debts  he  walk'd  out  of  town,  hid  his  gown  in  a 
furze  bush,  and  footed  it  to  London,  where,  having 
no  friend  to  advise  him,  he  fell  into  bad  company, 
soon  spent  his  guineas,  found  no  means  of  being 
introduced  among  the  players,  grew  necessitous, 
pawn'd  his  cloaths,  and  wanted  bread.  Walking  the 
street  very  hungry,  and  not  knowing  what  to  do  with 
himself,  a  crimp's  bill  was  put  into  his  hand,  offering 
immediate  entertainment  and  encouragement  to  such 
as  would  bind  themselves  to  serve  in  America.  He 
went  directly,  sign'd  indentures,  was  put  into  the 
ship,  and  came  over,  never  writing  a  line  to  acquaint 
his  friends  what  was  become  of  him.  He  was  lively, 
witty,  good-natur'd,  and  a  pleasant  companion,  but 
idle,  thoughtless,  and  imprudent  to  the  last  degree. 

John,  the  Irishman,  soon  ran  away ;  with  the  rest 
I  began  to  live  very  agreeably,  for  they  all  respected 
me  the  more,  as  they  found  Keimer  incapable  of  in 
structing  them,  and  that  from  me  they  learned  some 
thing  daily.  We  never  worked  on  Saturday,  that 
being  Keimer 's  Sabbath,  so  I  had  two  days  for  read 
ing.  My  acquaintance  with  ingenious  people  in  the 
town  increased.  Keimer  himself  treated  me  with 
great  civility  and  apparent  regard,  and  nothing  now 
made  me  uneasy  but  my  debt  to  Vernon,  which  I 
was  yet  unable  to  pay,  being  hitherto  but  a  poor 
oeconomist.  He,  however,  kindly  made  no  demand 
of  it. 

Our  printing-house  often  wanted  sorts,  and  there 
was  no  letter-founder  in  America;  I  had  seen  types 
cast  at  James's  in  London,  but  without  much  atten 
tion  to  the  manner;  however,  I  now  contrived  a 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  H5 

mould,  made  use  of  the  letters  we  had  as  puncheons, 
struck  the  matrices  in  lead,  and  thus  supply 'd  in  a 
pretty  tolerable  way  all  deficiencies.  I  also  engrav'd 
several  things  on  occasion;  I  made  the  ink;  I  was 
warehouseman,  and  everything,  and,  in  short,  quite 
a  fac-totum. 

But,  however  serviceable  I  might  be,  I  found  that 
my  services  became  every  day  of  less  importance,  as 
the  other  hands  improved  in  the  business;  and,  when 
Keimer  paid  my  second  quarter's  wages,  he  let  me 
know  that  he  felt  them  too  heavy,  and  thought  I 
should  make  an  abatement.  He  grew  by  degrees 
less  civil,  put  on  more  of  the  master,  frequently  found 
fault,  was  captious,  and  seem'd  ready  for  an  out 
breaking.  I  went  on,  nevertheless,  with  a  good  deal 
of  patience,  thinking  that  his  encumber 'd  circum 
stances  were  partly  the  cause.  At  length  a  trifle 
snapt  our  connections ;  for,  a  great  noise  happening 
near  the  court-house,  I  put  my  head  out  of  the  win 
dow  to  see  what  was  the  matter.  Keimer,  being  in 
the  street,  look'd  up  and  saw  me,  call'd  out  to  me  in 
a  loud  voice  and  angry  tone  to  mind  my  business, 
adding  some  reproachful  words,  that  nettled  me  the 
more  for  their  publicity,  all  the  neighbors  who  were 
looking  out  on  the  same  occasion,  being  witnesses 

/   >     « 

how  I  was  treated.  He  came  up  immediately  into 
the  printing-house,  continu'd  the  quarrel,  high  words 
pass'd  on  both  sides,  he  gave  me  the  quarter's  warn 
ing  we  had  stipulated,  expressing  a  wish  that  he  had 
not  been  oblig'd  to  so  long  a  warning.  I  told  him 
his  wish  was  unnecessary,  for  I  would  leave  him  that 
instant;  and  so,  taking  my  hat,  walk'd  out  of  doors, 


VOL.   I. — 10. 


Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

desiring  Meredith,  whom  I  saw  below,  to  take  care  of 
some  things  I  left,  and  bring  them  to  my  lodgings. 

Meredith  came  accordingly  in  the  evening,  when 
we  talked  my  affair  over.  He  had  conceiv'd  a  great 
regard  for  me,  and  was  very  unwilling  that  I  should 
leave  the  house  while  he  remain 'd  in  it.  He  dis 
suaded  me  from  returning  to  my  native  country, 
which  I  began  to  think  of;  he  reminded  me  that 
Keimer  was  in  debt  for  all  he  possess 'd;  that  his 
creditors  began  to  be  uneasy;  that  he  kept  his  shop 
miserably,  sold  often  without  profit  for  ready  money, 
and  often  trusted  without  keeping  accounts ;  that  he 
must  therefore  fail,  which  would  make  a  vacancy  I 
might  profit  of.  I  objected  my  want  of  money.  He 
then  let  me  know  that  his  father  had  a  high  opinion 
of  me,  and,  from  some  discourse  that  had  pass'd 
between  them,  he  was  sure  would  advance  money 
to  set  us  up,  if  I  would  enter  into  partnership  with 
him.  "  My  time, "  says  he,  "  will  be  out  with  Keimer 
in  the  spring;  by  that  time  we  may  have  our  press 
and  types  in  from  London.  I  am  sensible  I  am  no 
workman;  if  you  like  it,  your  skill  in  the  business 
shall  be  set  against  the  stock  I  furnish,  and  we  will 
share  the  profits  equally." 

The  proposal  was  agreeable,  and  I  consented;  his 
father  was  in  town  and  approv'd  of  it;  the  more  as 
he  saw  I  had  great  influence  with  his  son,  had  pre- 
vail'd  on  him  to  abstain  long  from  dram- drinking, 
and  he  hop'd  might  break  him  of  that  wretched 
habit  entirely,  when  we  came  to  be  so  closely  con 
nected.  I  gave  an  inventory  to  the  father,  who 
carry 'd  it  to  a  merchant;  the  things  were  sent  for, 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  147 


, 


the, secret; was  to  be  kept  till  they  should  arrive,  and 
in  the  mean  time  I  was  to  get  work,  if  I  could,  at 
the  other  printing-house.  But  I  found  no  vacancy 
there,  and  so  remain 'd  idle  a  few  days,  when  Keimer, 
on  a  prospect  of  being  employ'd  to  print  some  paper 
money  in  New  Jersey,  which  would  require  cuts  and 
various  types  that  I  only  could  supply,  and  appre 
hending  Bradford  might  engage  me  and  get  the  jobb 
from  him,  sent  me  a  very  civil  message,  that  old 
friends  should  not  part  for  a  few  words,  the  effect  of 
sudden  passion,  and  wishing  me  to  return.  Mere 
dith  persuaded  me  to  comply,  as  it  would  give  more 
opportunity  for  his  improvement  under  my  daily 
instructions;  so  I  return 'd,  and  we  went  on  more 
smoothly  than  for  some  time  before.  The  New 
Jersey  jobb  was  obtain 'd,  I  contriv'd  a  copper- plate 
press  for  it,  the  first  that  had  been  seen  in  the  coun 
try;  I  cut  several  ornaments  and  checks  for  the  bills. 
We  went  together  to  Burlington,  where  I  executed 
the  whole  to  satisfaction ;  and  he  received  so  large  a 
sum  for  the  work  as  to  be  enabled  thereby  to  keep  ' 
his  head  much  longer  above  water. 

At  Burlington  I  made  an  acquaintance  with  many 
principal  people  of  the  province.  Several  of  them 
had  been  appointed  by  the  Assembly  a  committee 
to  attend  the  press,  and  take  care  that  no  more  bills 
were  printed  than  the  law  directed.  They  were 
therefore,  by  turns,  constantly  with  us,  and  gener 
ally  he  who  attended  brought  with  him  a  friend  or 
two  for  company.  My  mind  having  been  much  more 
improv'd  by  reading  than  Keimer's,  I  suppose  it  was 
for  that  reason  my  conversation  seem'd  to  be  more 


148  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

valu'd.  They  had  me  to  their  houses,  introduced 
me  to  their  friends,  and  show'd  me  much  civility; 
while  he,  tho'  the  master,  was  a  little  neglected.  In 
truth,  he  was  an  odd  fish,  ignorant  of  common  life, 
fond  of  rudely  opposing  receiv'd  opinions,  slovenly 
to  extream  dirtiness,  enthusiastic  in  some  points  of 
religion,  and  a  little  knavish  withal. 

We  continu'd  there  near  three  months;  and  by 
that  time  I  could  reckon  among  my  acquired  friends 
Judge  Allen,  Samuel  Bustill,  the  secretary  of  the 
province,  Isaac  Pearson,  Joseph  Cooper,  and  several 
of  the  Smiths,  members  of  Assembly,  and  Isaac 
Decow,  the  surveyor-general.  The  latter  was  a 
shrewd,  sagacious  old  man,  who  told  me  that  he 
began  for  himself,  when  young,  by  wheeling  clay  for 
the  brickmakers ;  learned  to  write  after  he  was  of  age, 
carri'd  the  chain  for  surveyors  who  taught  him  sur 
veying  and  he  had  now  by  his  industry  acquir'd  a 
good  estate;  and,  says  he,  "  I  foresee  that  you  will 
soon  work  this  man  out  of  his  business,  and  make  a 
fortune  at  it  in  Philadelphia. ' '  He  had  not  then  the 
least  intimation  of  my  intention  to  set  up  there  or 
anywhere.  These  friends  were  afterwards  of  great 
use  to  me,  as  I  occasionally  was  to  some  of  them. 
They  all  continued  their  regard  for  me  as  long  as 
they  lived. 

Before  I  enter  upon  my  public  appearance  in  busi 
ness,  it  may  be  well  to  let  you  know  the  then  state 
of  my  mind  with  regard  to  my  principles  and  morals, 
that  you  may  see  how  far  those  influenc'd  the  future 
events  of  my  life.  My  parents  had  early  given  me 
religious  impressions,  and  brought  me  through  my 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  149 

childhood  piously  in  the  Dissenting  way.  But  I 
was  scarce  fifteen  when,  after  doubting  by  turns  of 
several  points,  as  I  found  them  disputed  in  the  dif 
ferent  books  I  read,  I  began  to  doubt  of  Revelation 
itself.  Some  books  against  Deism  fell  into  my 
hands  ;  they  were  said  to  be  the  substance  of  sermons 
preached  at  Boyle's  Lectures.1  It  happened  that 
they  wrought  an  effect  on  me  quite  contrary  to  what 
was  intended  by  them  ;  for  the  arguments  of  the  ' 
Deists,  which  were  quoted  to  be  refuted,  appeared, 
to  me  much  stronger  than  the  refutations;  in  short, 
I  soon  became  a  thorough  Deist.  My  arguments 
perverted  some  others,  particularly  Collins  and 
Ralph;  but  each  of  them  having  afterwards  wrong  'd 
me  greatly  without  the  least  compunction,  and  re 
collecting  Keith's  conduct  towards  me  (who  was  an 
other  freethinker)  ,  and  my  own  towards  Vernon  and 
Miss  Read,  which  at  times  gave  me  great  trouble, 
I  began  to  suspect  that  this  doctrine,  tho'  it  might 


1  The  impression  left  by  the  perusal  of  Boyle's  Lectures  upon 
Franklin's  youthful  mind  gives  new  point  to  an  incident  related  by 
Richard  Baxter  in  his  Notes  on  the  Life  and  Death  of  Sir  Matthew  Hale. 

"  His  many  hard  questions,  doubts,  and  objections  to  me  occasioned 
me  to  draw  up  a  small  tract  of  the  nature  and  immortality  of  man's 
soul,  as  proved  by  natural  light  alone,  by  way  of  question  and  answers, 
in  which  I  had  not  baulked  the  hardest  questions  and  difficulties  that 
I  could  think  of;  conceiving  that  Atheists  and  Sadducees  are  so  un 
happily  witty,  and  Satan  such  a  tutor,  that  they  are  as  like  to  think 
of  them  as  I.  But  the  good  man,  when  I  sent  it  to  him,  was  wiser  than 
I  ;  and  sent  me  word  in  his  return  that  he  would  not  have  me  publish 
it  in  English,  nor  without  some  alterations  of  the  method,  because, 
though  he  thought  I  had  sufficiently  answered  all  the  objections,  yet 
ordinary  readers  would  take  deeper  into  their  minds  such  hard  objec 
tions  as  they  never  heard  before,  than  the  answer,  how  full  soever, 
would  be  able  to  overcome  :  whereupon,  not  having  leisure  to  translate 
and  alter  it,  I  cast  it  by." 


X5°  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

be  true,  was  not  very  useful.  My  London  pamphlet,1 
which  had  for  its  motto  these  lines  of  Dry  den: 

Whatever  is,  is  right.     Though  purblind  man 
Sees  but  a  part  o'  the  chain,  the  nearest  link: 
His  eyes  not  carrying  to  the  equal  beam, 
That  poises  all  above; 

and  from  the  attributes  of  God,  his  infinite  wisdom, 
goodness,  and  power,  concluded  that  nothing  could 
possibly  be  wrong  in  the  world,  and  that  vice  and 
virtue  were  empty  distinctions,  no  such  things  exist 
ing,  appear 'd  now  not  so  clever  a  performance  as  I 
once  thought  it;  and  I  doubted  whether  some  error 
had  not  insinuated  itself  unperceiv'd  into  my  argu 
ment,  so  as  to  infect  all  that  follow 'd,  as  is  common 
in  metaphysical  reasonings. 

I  grew  convinced  that  truth,  sincerity,  and  integrity 
in  dealings  between  man  and  man  were  of  the  ut 
most  importance  to  the  felicity  of  life;  and  I  form'd 
written  resolutions,  which  still  remain  in  my  journal 
book,  to  practice  them  ever  while  I  lived.  Revela 
tion  had  indeed  no  weight  with  me,  as  such;  but  I 
entertain 'd  an  opinion  that,  though  certain  actions 
might  not  be  bad  because  they  were  forbidden  by  it, 
or  good  because  it  commanded  them,  yet  probably 
those  actions  might  be  forbidden  because  they  were 
bad  for  us,  or  commanded  because  they  were  bene 
ficial  to  us,  in  their  own  natures,  all  the  circumstances 
of  things  considered.  And  this  persuasion,  with  the 
kind  hand  of  Providence,  or  some  guardian  angel,  or 

1  Printed  in  1 7  2  5 .     For  a  further  account  of  this  pamphlet,  see  infra, 
letter  to  Mr.  B.  Vaughan,  dated  Nov.  9,  1779. — ED. 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  151 

accidental  favorable  circumstances  and  situations, 
or  all  together,  preserved  me,  thro'  this  dangerous 
time  of  youth,  and  the  hazardous  situations  I  was 
sometimes  in  among  strangers  remote  from  the  eye 
and  advice  of  my  father,  without  any  willful  gross 
immorality  or  injustice  that  might  have  been  ex 
pected  from  my  want  of  religion.1  I  say  willful,  be 
cause  the  instances  I  have  mentioned  had  something 
of  necessity  in  them,  from  my  youth,  inexperience, 
and  the  knavery  of  others.  I  had  therefore  a  tolera 
ble  character  to  begin  with;  I  valued  it  properly, 
and  determined  to  preserve  it. 

We  had  not  been  long  return 'd  to  Philadelphia 
before  the  new  types  arriv'd  from  London.  We 
settled  with  Keimer,  and  left  him  by  his  consent 
before  he  heard  of  it.  We  found  a  house  to  hire 
near  the  market,  and  took  it.  To  lessen  the  rent, 
which  was  then  but  twenty-four  pounds  a  year, 
though  I  have  since  known  it  to  let  for  seventy,  we 
took  in  Thomas  Godfrey,  a  glazier,  and  his  family, 
who  were  to  pay  a  considerable  part  of  it  to  us,  and 
we  to  board  with  them.  We  had  scarce  opened  our 
letters  and  put  our  press  in  order,  before  George 
House,  an  acquaintance  of  mine,  brought  a  country 
man  to  see  us,  whom  he  had  met  in  the  street 
inquiring  for  a  printer.  All  our  cash  was  now  ex 
pended  in  the  variety  of  particulars  we  had  been 
obliged  to  procure,  and  this  countryman's  five  shill- 

1  The  words,  "Some  foolish  intrigues  with  low  women  excepted, 
which  from  the  expense  were  rather  more  prejudicial  to  me  than  to 
them,"  effaced  on  the  revision,  and  the  sentence  which  follows  in  the 
text  written  in  the  margin. — ED. 


152  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

ings,  being  our  first-fruits,  and  coming  so  seasonably, 
gave  me  more  pleasure  than  any  crown  I  have  since 
earned;  and  the  gratitude  I  felt  toward  House  has 
made  me  often  more  ready  than  perhaps  I  should 
:'  otherwise  have  been  to  assist  young  beginners. 

There  are  croakers  in  every  country,  always  bod 
ing  its  ruin.  Such  a  one  then  lived  in  Philadelphia; 
a  person  of  note,  an  elderly  man  with  a  wise  look  and 
a  very  grave  manner  of  speaking;  his  name  was 
Samuel  Mickle.  This  gentleman,  a  stranger  to  me, 
stopt  one  day  at  my  door,  and  asked  me  if  I  was  the 
young  man  who  had  lately  opened  a  new  printing- 
house.  Being  answered  in  the  affirmative,  he  said 
he  was  sorry  for  me,  because  it  was  an  expensive 
undertaking  and  the  expense  would  be  lost;  for 
Philadelphia  was  a  sinking  place,  the  people  already 
half  bankrupts  or  near  being  so;  all  appearances  to 
the  contrary,  such  as  new  buildings  and  the  rise  of 
rents,  being  to  his  certain  knowledge  fallacious;  for 
they  were,  in  fact,  among  the  things  that  would  soon 
ruin  us.  And  he  gave  me  such  a  detail  of  misfor 
tunes  now  existing,  or  that  were  soon  to  exist,  that 
he  left  me  half  melancholy.  Had  I  known  him  be 
fore  I  engaged  in  this  business,  probably  I  never 
should  have  done  it.  This  man  continued  to  live  in 
this  decaying  place,  and  to  declaim  in  the  same 
strain,  refusing  for  many  years  to  buy  a  house  there, 
because  all  was  going  to  destruction;  and  at  last  I 
had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  him  give  five  times  as 
much  for  one  as  he  might  have  bought  it  for  when  he 
first  began  his  croaking. 

I  should  have  mentioned  before,  that,  in  the  au- 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  153 

tumn  of  the  preceding  year,  I  had  form'd  most  of  my 
ingenious  acquaintance  into  a  club  of  mutual  im 
provement  which  we  called  the  JUNTO;  we  met  on 
Friday  evenings.  The  rules  that  J.  drew  up  re 
quired  that  every  member  in  his  turn  should  produce 
one  or  more  queries  on  any  point  of  Morals,  Politics, 
or  Natural  Philosophy,  to  be  discuss 'd  by  the  com 
pany;  and  once  in  three  months  produce  and  read 
an  essay  of  his  own  writing,  on  any  subject  he 
pleased.  Our  debates  were  to  be  under  the  direc 
tion  of  a  president,  and  to  be  conducted  in  the 
sincere  spirit  of  inquiry  after  truth,  without  fond 
ness  for  dispute  or  desire  of  victory ;  and,  to  prevent 
warmth,  all  expressions  of  positiveness  in  opinions 
or  direct  contradiction  were  after  some  time  made 
contraband  and  prohibited  under  small  pecuniary 
penalties. 

The  first  members  were  Joseph  Breintnal,  a  copyer 
of  deeds  for  the  scriveners,  a  good-natur'd,  friendly, 
middle-ag'd  man,  a  great  lover  of  poetry,  reading  all 
he  could  meet  with,  and  writing  some  that  was  toler 
able;  very  ingenious  in  many  little  Nicknackeries, 
and  of  sensible  conversation. 

Thomas  Godfrey,  a  self-taught  mathematician, 
great  in  his  way,  and  afterward  inventor  of  what  is 
now  called  Hadley's  Quadrant.  But  he  knew  little 
out  of  his  way,  and  was  not  a  pleasing  companion; 
as,  like  most  great  mathematicians  I  have  met  with, 
he  expected  universal  precision  in  every  thing  said, 
or  was  for  ever  denying  or  distinguishing  upon 
trifles,  to  the  disturbance  of  all  conversation.  He 
soon  left  us. 


i54  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

Nicholas  Scull,  a  surveyor,  afterward  surveyor- 
general,  who  lov'd  books  and  sometimes  made  a  few 
verses. 

William  Parsons,  bred  a  shoemaker,  but,  loving 
reading,  had  acquir'd  a  considerable  share  of  mathe 
matics,  which  he  first  studied  with  a  view  to  as 
trology,  that  he  afterwards  laught  at.  He  also 
became  surveyor-general. 

William  Maugridge,  a  joiner,  a  most  exquisite 
mechanic,  and  a  solid,  sensible  man. 

Hugh  Meredith,  Stephen  Potts,  and  George  Webb 
I  have  characteriz'd  before. 

Robert  Grace,  a  young  gentleman  of  some  fortune, 
generous,  lively,  and  witty;  a  lover  of  punning  and 
of  his  friends. 

And  William  Coleman,  then  a  merchant's  clerk, 
about  my  age,  who  had  the  coolest,  clearest  head, 
the  best  heart,  and  the  exactest  morals  of  almost  any 
man  I  ever  met  with.  He  became  afterwards  a 
merchant  of  great  note,  and  one  of  our  provincial 
judges.  Our  friendship  continued  without  interrup 
tion  to  his  death,  upward  of  forty  years;  and  the 
club  continued  almost  as  long,  and  was  the  best 
school  of  philosophy,  morality,  and  politics  that 
then  existed  in  the  province;  for  our  queries,  which 
were  read  the  week  preceding  their  discussion,  put 
us  upon  reading  with  attention  upon  the  several 
subjects,  that  we  might  speak  more  to  the  purpose ; 
and  here,  too,  we  acquired  better  habits  of  con 
versation,  every  thing  being  studied  in  our  rules 
which  might  prevent  our  disgusting  each  other. 
From  hence  the  long  continuance  of  the  club,  which 


1706-1730]          Benjamin  Franklin  155 

I  shall  have  frequent  occasion  to  speak  further  of 
hereafter.1 

But  my  giving  this  account  of  it  here  is  to  show 
something  of  the  interest  I  had,  every  one  of  these 
exerting  themselves  in  recommending  business  to  us. 
"Rreintnal  particularly,  procur'd  us  from  the  Quakers 


1  In  a  careful  and  interesting  paper  read  before  the  American 
Philosophical  Society  by  Dr.  Patterson,  one  of  its  Vice- Presidents,  on 
the  25th  of  May,  1843,  m  commemoration  of  its  Centennial  Anniver 
sary,  will  be  found  much  new  and  important  information  about  the 
Junto. 

When  the  Philosophical  Society  was  instituted,  a  book  containing 
some  of  the  questions  discussed  by  the  Junto  was  put  into  the  hands 
of  Dr.  William  Smith,  who  selected  from  it,  and  published  in  his 
Eulogium  on  Franklin,  the  following  specimens: 

"Is  sound  an  entity  or  body? 

"How  may  the  phenomena  of  vapors  be  explained? 

"  Is  self-interest  the  rudder  that  steers  mankind — the  universal  mon 
arch  to  whom  all  are  tributaries? 

"  Which  is  the  best  form  of  government,  and  what  was  that  form 
which  first  prevailed  among  mankind? 

"Can  any  one  particular  form  of  government  suit  all  man 
kind? 

"What  is  the  reason  that  the  tides  rise  higher  in  the  Bay  of  Fundy 
than  in  the  Bay  of  Delaware? 

"  Is  the  emission  of  paper  money  safe? 

"What  is  the  reason  that  men  of  the  greatest  knowledge  are  not 
the  most  happy? 

"How  may  the  possessions  of  the  Lakes  be  improved  to  our  ad 
vantage? 

'  Why  are  tumultuous,  uneasy  sensations  united  with  the  de 
sires  ? 

"Whether  it  ought  to  be  the  aim  of  philosophy  to  eradicate  the 
passions. 

"How  may  smoky  chimneys  be  best  cured? 

"Why  does  the  flame  of  a  candle  tend  upwards  in  a  spire? 

"  Which  is  least  criminal — a  bad  action  joined  with  a  good  intention, 
or  a  good  action  with  a  bad  intention? 

"Is  it  consistent  with  the  principles  of  liberty  in  a  free 
government  to  punish  a  man  as  a  libeller  when  he  speaks  the 
truth," — ED. 


156  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

the  printing  forty  sheets  of  their  history,  the  rest 
being  to  be  done  by  Keinier;  and  upon  this  we 
work'd  exceedingly  hard,  for  the  price  was  low.  It 
was  a  folio,  pro  patria  size  in  pica,  with  long  primer 
notes.  I  compos 'd  of  it  a  sheet  a  day,  and  Meredith 
worked  it  off  at  press;  it  was  often  eleven  at  night, 
and  sometimes  later,  before  I  had  finished  my  dis 
tribution  for  the  next  day's  work,  for  the  little  jobbs 
sent  in  by  our  other  friends  now  and  then  put  us 
back.  But  so  determin'd  I  was  to  continue  doing  a 
sheet  a  day  of  the  folio,  that  one  night,  when,  having 
impos'd  my  forms,  I  thought  my  day's  work  over,  one 
of  them  by  accident  was  broken,  and  two  pages  re 
duced  to  pi,  I  immediately  distributed  and  compos 'd 
it  over  again  before  I  went  to  bed ;  and  this  industry, 
visible  to  our  neighbors,  began  to  give  us  character 
and  credit;  particularly,  I  was  told,  that  mention 
being  made  of  the  new  printing-office  at  the  mer 
chants'  E very-night  club,  the  general  opinion  was 
that  it  must  fail,  there  being  already  two  printers  in 
the  place,  Keimer  and  Bradford;  but  Dr.  Baird 
(whom  you  and  I  saw  many  years  after  at  his  native 
place,  St.  Andrew's  in  Scotland)  gave  a  contrary 
opinion:  "  For  the  industry  of  that  Franklin,"  says 
he,  "  is  superior  to  any  thing  I  ever  saw  of  the  kind; 
I  see  him  still  at  work  when  I  go  home  from  club, 
and  he  is  at  work  again  before  his  neighbors  are  out 
of  bed. "  This  struck  the  rest,  and  we  soon  after  had 
offers  from  one  of  them  to  supply  us  with  station 
ery  ;  but  as  yet  we  did  not  choose  to  engage  in  shop 
business. 

I  mention  this  industry  the  more  particularly  and 


x 

1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  157 


the  more  freely,  tho'  it  seems  to  be  talking  in  my 
own  praise,  that  those  of  my  posterity,  who  shall 
read  it,  may  know  the  use  of  that  virtue,  when 
they  see  its  effects  in  my  favour  throughout  this 
relation. 

George  Webb,  who  had  found  a  female  friend  that 
lent  him  wherewith  to  purchase  his  time  of  Keimer, 
now  came  to  offer  himself  as  a  journeyman  to  us. 
We  could  not  then  employ  him;  but  I  foolishly 
let  him  know  as  a  secret  that  I  soon  intended  to 
begin  a  newspaper,  and  might  then  have  work  for 
him.  My  hopes  of  success,  as  I  told  him,  were 
founded  on  this,  that  the  then  only  newspaper, 
printed  by  Bradford,  was  a  paltry  thing,  wretchedly 
manag'd,  no  way  entertaining,  and  yet  was  profit 
able  to  him;  I  therefore  thought  a  good  paper 
would  scarcely  fail  of  good  encouragement.  I  re 
quested  Webb  not  to  mention  it;  but  he  told  it  to 
Keimer,  who  immediately,  to  be  beforehand  with 
me,  published  proposals  for  printing  one  himself, 
on  which  Webb  was  to  be  employ  'd.  I  resented 
this;  and,  to  counteract  them,  as  I  could  not  yet 
begin  our  paper,  I  wrote  several  pieces  of  entertain 
ment  for  Bradford's  paper,  under  the  title  of  the 
BUSY  BODY  which  Breintnal  continu'd  some  months. 
By  this  means  the  attention  of  the  publick  was  fixed 
on  that  paper,  and  Keimer 's  proposals,  which  we 
burlesqu'd  and  ridicul'd,  were  disregarded.  He  be 
gan  his  paper,  however,  and,  after  carrying  it  on 
three  quarters  of  a  year,  with  at  most,  only  ninety 
subscribers,  he  offer 'd  it  to  me  for  a  trifle;  and  I, 
having  been  ready  some  time  to  go  on  with  it,  took 


158  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

it  in  hand  directly;    and  it  prov'd  in  a  few  years 
extremely  profitable  to  me.1 

I  perceive  that  I  am  apt  to  speak  in  the  singular 

1  This  paper  was  called  The  Universal  Instructor  in  all  Arts  and 
Sciences  and  Pennsylvania  Gazette.  Keimer  printed  his  last  number, 
the  39th,  on  the  25th  day  of  September,  1729. — ED. 

Its  leading  articles  were  an  installment  of  Chambers1  Dictionary,  Art. 
"  Air,"  a  message  from  Gov.  Burnet  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  the  reply  of  the  Assembly,  and  an  obituary  of  the  governor,  who 
had  just  died.  The  following  announcement  filled  the  rest  of  the  sheet : 

PHILADELPHIA,  September  ssth. 

"It  not  quadrating  with  the  circumstances  of  the  printer  hereof,  S. 
K.,  to  publish  this  Gazette  any  longer,  he  gives  notice  that  this  paper 
concludes  his  third  quarter;  and  is  the  last  that  will  be  printed  by  him. 
Yet,  that  his  generous  subscribers  may  not  be  baulked  or  disappointed, 
he  has  agreed  with  B.  Franklin  and  H.  Meredith,  at  the  new  printing 
office,  to  continue  it  to  the  end  of  the  year,  having  transferred  the 
property  wholly  to  them  [D.  Harry  declining  it x],  and  probably  if 
further  encouragement  appears  it  will  be  continued  longer.  The  said 
S.  K.  designs  to  leave  this  province  early  in  the  spring  or  sooner,  if 
possibly  he  can  justly  accommodate  his  affairs  with  every  one  he 
stands  indebted  to." 

The  next  number,  40,  appeared  on  the  2d  of  October,  in  new  type, 
with  the  following  announcement,  the  title  Universal  Instructor  in  all 
Arts  and  Sciences  having  been  dropped,  and  with  it  the  feature  of  the 
paper  which  it  designated : 

"The  Pennsylvania  Gazette  being  now  to  be  carryed  on  by  other 
hands,  the  reader  may  expect  some  account  of  the  method  we  design 
to  proceed  in. 

"Upon  a  view  of  Chambers'  great  dictionaries,  from  whence  were 
taken  the  materials  of  The  Universal  Instructor  in  all  Arts  and  Sciences, 
which  usually  made  the  first  part  of  this  paper,  we  find  that  besides 
their  containing  many  things  abstruse  or  insignificant  to  us,  it  will 
probably  be  fifty  years  before  the  whole  can  be  gone  through  in  this 
manner  of  publication.  There  are  likewise  in  those  books  continual 
references  from  things  under  one  letter  of  the  alphabet  to  those  under 
another,  which  relate  to  the  same  subject  and  are  necessary  to  explain 
and  complete  it;  these  taken  in  their  turn  may  be  ten  years  distant; 
and  since  it  is  likely  that  they  who  desire  to  acquaint  themselves  with 

1  In  the  previous  number  Keimer  announced  that  he  had  made  over 
his  business  to  David  Harry,  with  the  design  to  leave  this  province  as 
soon  as  he  could  get  in  his  debts  and  justly  balance  with  every  one  of 
his  few  creditors,  etc.,  etc. 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  159 

number,  though  our  partnership  still  continu'd;  the 
reason  may  be  that,  in  fact,  the  whole  management 
of  the  business  lay  upon  me.  Meredith  was  no 

any  particular  art  or  science  would  gladly  have  the  whole  before  them 
in  much  less  time,  we  believe  our  readers  will  not  think  such  a  method 
of  communicating  knowledge  to  be  a  proper  one. 

"However,  though  we  do  not  intend  to  continue  the  publication  of 
those  dictionaries  in  a  regular  alphabetical  method,  as  has  hitherto 
been  done;  yet,  as  several  things  exhibited  from  them  in  the  course  of 
these  papers,  have  been  entertaining  to  such  of  the  curious  who  never 
had  and  cannot  have  the  advantage  of  good  libraries ;  and  as  there  are 
many  things  still  behind,  which,  being  in  this  manner  made  generally 
known,  may  perhaps  become  of  considerable  use  by  giving  such  hints 
to  the  excellent  natural  genius's  of  our  country ,  as  may  contribute  either 
to  the  improvement  of  our  present  manufactures  or  towards  the  in 
vention  of  new  ones;  we  propose  from  time  to  time  to  communicate 
such  particular  parts  as  appear  to  be  of  the  most  general  consequence. 

"  As  to  the  '  Religious  Courtship,'  part  of  which  has  been  retal'd  to  the 
publick  in  these  papers,  the  reader  may  be  informed,  that  the  whole 
book  will  probably  in  a  little  time  be  printed  and  bound  by  itself;  and 
those  who  approve  of  it  will  doubtless  be  better  pleased  to  have  it 
entire,  than  in  this  broken,  interrupted  manner. 

"There  are  many  who  have  long  desired  to  see  a  good  newspaper  in 
Pennsylvania;  and  we  hope  those  gentlemen  who  are  able,  will  con 
tribute  towards  the  making  this  such.  We  ask  assistance  because  we 
are  fully  sensible,  that  to  publish  a  good  newspaper  is  not  so  easy  an 
undertaking  as  many  people  imagine  it  to  be.  The  author  of  a  Gazette 
(in  the  opinion  of  the  learned)  ought  to  be  qualified  with  an  extensive 
acquaintance  with  languages,  a  great  easiness  and  command  of  writing, 
and  relating  things  clearly  and  intelligibly  and  in  a  few  words;  he 
should  be  able  to  speak  of  war  both  by  land  and  sea;  be  well  acquainted 
with  geography,  with  the  history  of  the  time,  with  the  secret  interests 
of  princes  and  states,  the  secrets  of  courts,  and  the  manners  and  cus 
toms  of  all  nations.  Men  thus  accomplished  are  very  rare  in  this  remote 
part  of  the  world;  and  it  would  be  well  if  the  writer  of  these  papers 
could  make  up  among  his  friends  what  is  wanting  in  himself. 

"Upon  the  whole,  we  may  assure  the  publick,  that,  as  far  as  the 
encouragement  we  meet  with  will  enable  us,  no  care  and  pains  shall  be 
omitted  that  may  make  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette  as  agreeable  and 
useful  an  entertainment  as  the  nature  of  the  thing  will  allow." 

After  the  publication  of  two  numbers  the  Gazette  was  published  twice 
a  week,  beginning  with  No.  43.     Franklin  was  only  twenty- three  year 
of  age  when  he  embarked  in  this  enterprise. — ED. 


Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

C      v 

compositor,  a  poor  pressman,  and  seldom  sober.  My 
friends  lamented  my  connection  with  him,  but  I  was 
to  make  the  best  of  it. 

Our  first  papers  made  a  quite  different  appearance 
from  any  before  in  the  province;  a  better  type,  and 
better  printed;  but  some  spirited  remarks  of  my 
writing  x  on  the  dispute  then  going  on  between  Gov 
ernor  Burnet  and  the  Massachusetts  Assembly, 
struck  the  principal  people,  occasioned  the  paper 

1  The  following  are  the  spirited  remarks  here  referred  to: 
"His  excellency,  governor  Burnet,  died  unexpectedly  about  two  days 
after  the  date  of  this  reply  to  his  last  message ;  and  it  was  thought  the 
dispute  would  have  ended  with  him,  or  at  least  have  lain  dormant  till 
the  arrival  of  a  new  governor  from  England,  who  possibly  might  or 
might  not  be  inclined  to  enter  too  vigorously  into  the  measures  of  his 
predecessor.  But  our  last  advices  by  the  post  acquaint  us  that  his 
honor  the  lieutenant-governor  (on  whom  the  government  immediately 
devolves  upon  the  death  or  absence  of  the  commander-in-chief)  has 
vigorously  renewed  the  struggle  on  his  own  account,  of  which  the  par 
ticulars  will  be  seen  in  our  next.  Perhaps  some  of  our  readers  may  not 
fully  understand  the  original  ground  of  this  warm  contest  between  the 
governor  and  assembly.  It  seems  that  people  have  for  these  hun 
dred  years  past,  enjoyed  the  privilege  of  rewarding  the  governor  for  the 
time  being,  according  to  their  sense  of  his  merit  and  services ;  and  few 
or  none  of  their  governors  have  complained,  or  had  cause  to  complain, 
of  a  scanty  allowance.  When  the  late  governor  Burnet  brought  with 
him  instructions  to  demand  a  settled  salary  of  1000  pounds  sterling  per 
annum,  on  him  and  all  his  successors,  and  the  Assembly  were  required 
to  fix  it  immediately ;  he  insisted  on  it  strenuously  to  the  last,  and  they 
as  constantly  refused  it.  It  appears  by  their  votes  and  proceedings 
that  they  thought  it  an  imposition,  contrary  to  their  own  charter,  and 
to  Magna  Charta;  and  they  judged  that  there  should  be  a  mutual  de 
pendence  between  the  governor  and  governed ;  and  that  to  make  the 
governor  independent  would  be  dangerous  and  destructive  to  their 
liberties,  and  the  ready  way  to  establish  tyranny.  They  thought  like 
wise,  that  the  province  was  not  the  less  dependent  on  the  crown  of 
Great  Britain,  by  the  governor's  depending  immediately  on  them,  and 
his  own  good  conduct,  for  an  ample  support;  because  all  acts  and  laws 
which  he  might  be  induced  to  pass,  must  nevertheless  be  constantly 
sent  home  for  approbation,  in  order  to  continue  in  force.  Many  other 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  161 

and  the  manager  of  it  to  be  much  talk'd  of,  and 
in  a  few  weeks  brought  them  all  to  be  our  sub 
scribers. 

Their  example  was  follow'd  by  many,  and  our  num 
ber  went  on  growing  continually.  This  was  one  of 
the  first  good  effects  of  my  having  learnt  a  little  to 
scribble;  another  was,  that  the  leading  men,  seeing  ^ 
a  newspaper  now  in  the  hands  of  one  who  could  also 
handle  a  pen,  thought  it  convenient  to  oblige  and  en 
courage  me.  Bradford  still  printed  the  votes,  and 
laws,  and  other  publick  business.  He  had  printed  an 
address  of  the  House  to  the  governor,  in  a  coarse, 
blundering  manner;  we  reprinted  it  elegantly  and 
correctly,  and  sent  one  to  every  member.  They  were 
sensible  of  the  difference;  it  strengthened  the  hands 

reasons  were  given,  and  arguments  used  in  the  course  of  the  contro 
versy,  needless  to  particularize  here,  because  all  the  material  papers 
relating  to  it  have  been  already  given  in  our  public  news. 

"Much  deserved  praise  has  the  deceased  governor  received  for  his 
steady  integrity  in  adhering  to  his  instructions,  notwithstanding  the 
great  difficulty  and  opposition  he  met  with,  and  the  strong  temptations 
offered  from  time  to  time  to  induce  him  to  give  up  the  point.  And  yet, 
perhaps,  something  is  due  to  the  Assembly  (as  the  love  and  zeal  of  that 
country  for  the  present  establishment  is  too  well  known  to  suffer  any 
suspicion  of  want  of  loyalty) ,  who  continue  thus  resolutely  to  abide  by 
what  they  think  their  right,  and  that  of  the  people  they  represent; 
manage  all  the  arts  and  menaces  of  a  governor,  famed  for  his  cunning 
and  politics,  backed  with  instructions  from  home,  and  powerfully  aided 
by  the  great  advantage  such  an  officer  always  has  of  engaging  the 
principal  men  of  a  place  in  his  party,  by  conferring,  when  he  pleases,  so 
many  posts  of  profit  and  honor.  Their  happy  mother  country  will 
perhaps  observe,  with  pleasure,  that  though  her  gallant  cocks  and 
matchless  dogs  abate  their  natural  fire  and  intrepidity  when  trans 
ported  to  a  foreign  clime  (as  this  nation  is) ,  yet  her  sons  in  the  re 
motest  part  of  the  earth,  and  even  to  the  third  and  fourth  descent,  still 
retain  that  ardent  spirit  of  liberty,  and  that  undaunted  courage,  which 
has  in  every  age  so  gloriously  distinguished  Britons  and  Englishmen 
from  the  rest  of  mankind." 

YOL.  I.— II. 


162  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

of  our  friends  in  the  House,  and  they  voted  us  their 
printers  for  the  year  ensuing. 

Among  my  friends  in  the  House  I  must  not  forget 
Mr.  Hamilton,  before  mentioned,  who  was  then  re 
turned  from  England,  and  had  a  seat  in  it.  He  in 
terested  himself  for  me  strongly  in  that  instance, 
as  he  did  in  many  others  afterward,  continuing  his 
patronage  till  his  death.1 

Mr.  Vernon,  about  this  time,  put  me  in  mind  of 
the  debt  I  ow'd  him,  but  did  not  press  me.  I  wrote 
him  an  ingenuous  letter  of  acknowledgment,  crav'd 
his  forbearance  a  little  longer,  which  he  allow'd  me, 
and  as  soon  as  I  was  able,  I  paid  the  principal  with 
interest,  and  many  thanks;  so  that  erratum  was  in 
some  degree  corrected. 

But  now  another  difficulty  came  upon  me  which 
I  had  never  the  least  reason  to  expect.  Mr.  Mere 
dith's  father,  who  was  to  have  paid  for  our  printing- 
house,  according  to  the  expectations  given  me,  was 
able  to  advance  only  one  hundred  pounds  currency, 
which  had  been  paid ;  and  a  hundred  more  was  due  to 
the  merchant,  who  grew  impatient,  and  su'd  us  all. 
We  gave  bail,  but  saw  that,  if  the  money  could  not  be 
rais'd  in  time,  the  suit  must  soon  come  to  a  judgment 
and  execution,  and  our  hopeful  prospects  must,  with 
us,  be  ruin'd,  as  the  press  and  letters  must  be  sold  for 
payment,  perhaps  at  half  price. 

In  this  distress  two  true  friends,  whose  kindness  I 
have  never  forgotten,  nor  ever  shall  forget  while  I 
can  remember  any  thing,  came  to  me  separately,  un 
known  to  each  other  and  without  any  application 

1  I  got  his  son  once  £500  [marg.  note]. 


1706-1730]          Benjamin  Franklin  163 

from  me,  offering  each  of  them  to  advance  me  all  the 
money  that  should  be  necessary  to  enable  me  to  take 
the  whole  business  upon  myself,  if  that  should  be 
practicable ;  but  they  did  not  like  my  continuing  the 
partnership  with  Meredith,  who,  as  they  said,  was 
often  seen  drunk  in  the  streets,  and  playing  at  low 
games  in  alehouses,  much  to  our  discredit.  These 
two  friends  were  William  Coleman  and  Robert  Grace. 
I  told  them  I  could  not  propose  a  separation  while 
any  prospect  remain 'd  of  the  Merediths'  fulfilling 
their  part  of  our  agreement,  because  I  thought  my 
self  under  great  obligations  to  them  for  what  they 
had  done,  and  would  do  if  they  could;  but,  if  they 
finally  fail'd  in  their  performance,  and  our  partner 
ship  must  be  dissolv'd,  I  should  then  think  myself  at 
liberty  to  accept  the  assistance  of  my  friends. 

Thus  the  matter  rested  for  some  time,  when  I  said 
to  my  partner:  "  Perhaps  your  father  is  dissatisfied 
at  the  part  you  have  undertaken  in  this  affair  of  ours, 
and  is  unwilling  to  advance  for  you  and  me  what  he 
would  for  you  alone.  If  that  is  the  case,  tell  me,  and 
I  will  resign  the  whole  to  you,  and  go  about  my  busi 
ness."  "No,"  said  he,  "my  father  has  really  been 
disappointed,  and  is  really  unable;  and  I  am  unwill 
ing  to  distress  him  farther.  I  see  this  is  a  business  I 
am  not  fit  for.  I  was  bred  a  farmer,  and  it  was  a 
folly  in  me  to  come  to  town,  and  put  myself,  at  thirty 
years  of  age,  an  apprentice  to  learn  a  new  trade. 
Many  of  our  Welsh  people  are  going  to  settle  in 
North  Carolina  where  land  is  cheap.  I  am  inclin'd 
to  go  with  them,  and  follow  my  old  employment. 
You  may  find  friends  to  assist  you.  If  you  will  take 


164  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

the  debts  of  the  company  upon  you;  return  to  my 
father  the  hundred  pound  he  has  advanced ;  pay  my 
little  personal  debts  and  give  me  thirty  pounds  and 
a  new  saddle,  I  will  relinquish  the  partnership,  and 
leave  the  whole  in  your  hands."  I  agreed  to  this 
proposal;  it  was  drawn  up  in  writing,  sign'd  and 
seal'd  immediately.  I  gave  him  what  he  demanded, 
and  he  went  soon  after  to  Carolina,  from  whence  he 
sent  me  next  year  two  long  letters  containing  the 
best  account  that  had  been  given  of  that  country, 
the  climate,  the  soil,  husbandry,  etc.,  for  in  those 
matters  he  was  very  judicious.  I  printed  them  in 
the  papers,  and  they  gave  great  satisfaction  to  the 
publick. 

As  soon  as  he  was  gone  I  recurr'd  to  my  two 
friends;  and  because  I  would  not  give  an  unkind 
preference  to  either  I  took  half  of  what  each  had 
offered  and  I  wanted  of  one,  and  half  of  the  other; 
paid  off  the  company's  debts  and  went  on  with  the 
business  in  my  own  name,  advertising  that  the  part 
nership  was  dissolved.  I  think  this  was  in  or  about 
the  year  1729.' 

About  this  time  there  was  a  cry  among  the  people 
for  more  paper  money,  only  fifteen  thousand  pounds 
being  extant  in  the  province,  and  that  soon  to  be 
sunk.  The  wealthy  inhabitants  oppos'd  any  addi 
tion,  being  against  all  paper  currency,  from  an  ap 
prehension  that  it  would  depreciate,  as  it  had  done  in 
New  England,  to  the  prejudice  of  all  creditors.  We 
had  discuss 'd  this  point  in  our  Junto  where  I  was  on 

1  By  the  agreement  of  dissolution,  still  extant,  it  appears  that  it  took 
place  July  14,  1730. — SPARKS. 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  165 

the  side  of  an  addition,  being  persuaded  that  the 
first  small  sum  struck  in  1723  had  done  much  good 
by  increasing  the  trade,  employment,  and  number  of 
inhabitants  in  the  province,  since  I  now  saw  all  the 
old  houses  inhabited,  and  many  new  ones  building; 
whereas  I  remembered  well,  that  when  I  first  walk'd 
about  the  streets  of  Philadelphia,  eating  my  roll,  I 
saw  most  of  the  houses  in  Walnut-street,  between 
Second  and  Front  streets,  with  bills  on  their  doors, 
"To  be  let";  and  many  likewise  in  Chestnut-street 
and  other  streets,  which  made  me  then  think  the 
inhabitants  of  the  city  were  deserting  it  one  after 
another. 

Our  debates  possess 'd  me  so  fully  of  the  subject, 
that  I  wrote  and  printed  an  anonymous  pamphlet  on 
it,  entitled  The  Nature  and  Necessity  of  a  Paper 
Currency.  It  was  well  receiv'd  by  the  common 
people  in  general;  but  the  rich  men  dislik'd  it,  for 
it  increas'd  and  strengthen 'd  the  clamor  for  more 
money,  and  they  happening  to  have  no  writers 
among  them  that  were  able  to  answer  it,  their  op 
position  slacken 'd,  and  the  point  was  carried  by  a 
majority  in  the  House.  My  friends  there  who 
conceiv'd  I  had  been  of  some  service,  thought  fit  to 
reward  me  by  employing  me  in  printing  the  money ; 
a  very  profitable  jobb  and  a  great  help  to  me.  This 
was  another  advantage  gain'd  by  my  being  able 
write. 

The  utility  of  this  currency  became  by  time  and 
experience  so  evident  as  never  afterwards  to  be  much 
disputed;  so  that  it  grew  soon  to  fifty-five  thousand 
pounds,  and  in  1739  to  eighty  thousand  pounds, 


166  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

since  which  it  arose  during  the  war  to  upwards  of 
three  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  pounds,  trade, 
building,  and  inhabitants  all  the  while  increasing, 
tho'  I  now  think  there  are  limits  beyond  which  the 
quantity  may  be  hurtful. 

I  soon  after  obtain 'd,  thro*  my  friend  Hamilton, 
the  printing  of  the  Newcastle  paper  money,  another 
profitable  jobb  as  I  then  thought  it;  small  things  ap 
pearing  great  to  those  in  small  circumstances;  and 
these,  to  me,  were  really  great  advantages  as  they 
were  great  encouragements.  He  procured  for  me, 
also  the  printing  of  the  laws  and  votes  of  that  gov 
ernment,  which  continu'd  in  my  hands  as  long  as  I 
follow 'd  the  business. 

I  now  open'd  a  little  stationer's  shop.  I  had  in  it 
blanks  of  all  sorts,  the  correctest  that  ever  appear 'd 
among  us,  being  assisted  in  that  by  my  friend  Breint- 
nal.  I  had  also  paper,  parchment,  chapmen's  books, 
etc.  One  Whitemash,  a  compositor  I  had  known  in 
London,  an  excellent  workman,  now  came  to  me,  and 
work'd  with  me  constantly  and  diligently ;  and  I  took 
an  apprentice,  the  son  of  Aquila  Rose. 

I  began  now  gradually  to  pay  off  the  debt  I  was 
under  for  the  printing-house.  In  order  to  secure  my 
credit  and  character  as  a  tradesman,  I  took  care  not 
only  to  be  in  reality  industrious  and  frugal,  but  to 
avoid  all  appearances  to  the  contrary.  I  drest 
plainly;  I  was  seen  at  no  places  of  idle  diversion.  I 
never  went  out  a  fishing  or  shooting;  a  book,  in 
deed,  sometimes  debauch 'd  me  from  my  work,  but 
that  was  seldom,  snug,  and  gave  no  scandal,  and. 
to  show  that  I  was  not  above  my  business,  I  some- 


1706-1730]          Benjamin  Franklin  167 

times  brought  home  the  paper  I  purchas'd  at  the 
stores  thro'  the  streets  on  a  wheelbarrow.  Thus 
being  esteem 'd  an  industrious,  thriving  young  man, 
and  paying  duly  for  what  I  bought,  the  merchants 
who  imported  stationery  solicited  my  custom ;  others 
proposed  supplying  me  with  books,  and  I  went  on 
swimmingly.  In  the  mean  time,  Keimer 's  credit 
and  business  declining  daily,  he  was  at  last  forc'd 
to  sell  his  printing-house  to  satisfy  his  creditors.  He 
went  to  Barbadoes,  and  there  lived  some  years  in 
very  poor  circumstances. 

His  apprentice,  David  Harry,  whom  I  had  in 
structed  while  I  work'd  with  him,  set  up  in  his  place 
at  Philadelphia,  having  bought  his  materials.  I  was 
at  first  apprehensive  of  a  powerful  rival  in  Harry,  as 
his  friends  were  very  able,  and  had  a  good  deal  of 
interest.  I  therefore  propos'd  a  partnership  to  him, 
which  he,  fortunately  for  me,  rejected  with  scorn. 
He  was  very  proud,  dressed  like  a  gentleman,  liv'd 
expensively,  took  much  diversion  and  pleasure 
abroad,  ran  in  debt,  and  neglected  his  business ;  upon 
which,  all  business  left  him;  and,  finding  nothing 
to  do,  he  follow'd  Keimer  to  Barbadoes,  taking  the 
printing-house  with  him.  There  this  apprentice  em 
ploy 'd  his  former  master  as  a  journeyman;  they 
quarrel'd  often;  Harry  went  continually  behind 
hand,  and  at  length  was  forc'd  to  sell  his  types  and 
return  to  his  country  work  in  Pensilvania.  The  per 
son  that  bought  them  employ 'd  Keimer  to  use  them, 
but  in  a  few  years  he  died. 

There  remained  now  no  competitor  with  me  at 
Philadelphia  but  the  old  one,  Bradford;  who  was 


168  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

rich  and  easy,  did  a  little  printing  now  and  then  by 
straggling  hands,  but  was  not  very  anxious  about 
the  business.  However,  as  he  kept  the  post-office, 
it  was  imagined  he  had  better  opportunities  of  ob 
taining  news;  his  paper  was  thought  a  better  dis 
tributer  of  advertisements  than  mine,  and  therefore 
had  many  more,  which  was  a  profitable  thing  to 
him,  and  a  disadvantage  to  me;  for,  tho'  I  did 
indeed  receive  and  send  papers  by  the  post,  yet  the 
publick  opinion  was  otherwise,  for  what  I  did  send 
was  by  ^bribing  the  riders,  who  took  them  privately, 
Bradford  being  unkind  enough  to  forbid  it,  which 
occasion 'd  some  resentment  on  my  part;  and  I 
thought  so  meanly  of  him  for  it,  that,  when  I  af 
terward  came  into  his  situation,  I  took  care  never 
to  imitate  it. 

I  had  hitherto  continu'd  to  board  with  Godfrey, 
who  lived  in  part  of  my  house  with  his  wife  and 
children,  and  had  one  side  of  the  shop  for  his  glazier's 
business,  tho'  he  worked  little,  being  always  absorbed 
in  his  mathematics.  Mrs.  Godfrey  projected  a  match 
for  me  with  a  relation's  daughter,  took  opportunities 
of  bringing  us  often  together,  till  a  serious  courtship 
on  my  part  ensu'd,  the  girl  being  in  herself  very 
deserving.  The  old  folks  encourag'd  me  by  contin 
ual  invitations  to  supper,  and  by  leaving  us  together, 
till  at  length  it  was  time  to  explain.  Mrs.  Godfrey 
manag'd  our  little  treaty.  I  let  her  know  that  I  ex 
pected  as  much  money  with  their  daughter  as  would 
pay  off  my  remaining  debt  for  the  printing-house, 
which  I  believe  was  not  then  above  a  hundred 
pounds.  She  brought  me  word  they  had  no  such 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  169 

sum  to  spare;  I  said  they  might  mortgage  their 
house  in  the  loan-office.  The  answer  to  this,  after 
some  days,  was,  that  they  did  not  approve  the  match ; 
that,  on  inquiry  of  Bradford,  they  had  been  inform'd 
the  printing  business  was  not  a  profitable  one;  the 
types  would  soon  be  worn  out,  and  more  wanted; 
that  S.  Keimer  and  D.  Harry  had  failed  one  after  the 
other,  and  I  should  probably  soon  follow  them;  and, 
therefore,  I  was  forbidden  the  house,  and  the  daugh 
ter  shut  up. 

Whether  this  was  a  real  change  of  sentiment  or 
only  artifice,  on  a  supposition  of  our  being  too  far 
engaged  in  affection  to  retract,  and  therefore  that 
we  should  steal  a  marriage,  which  would  leave  them 
at  liberty  to  give  or  withhold  what  they  pleas 'd, 
I  know  not ;  but  I  suspected  the  latter,  resented  it, 
and  went  no  more.  Mrs.  Godfrey  brought  me  after 
ward  some  more  favorable  accounts  of  their  dis 
position,  and  would  have  drawn  me  on  again;  but  I 
declared  absolutely  my  resolution  to  have  nothing 
more  to  do  with  that  family.  This  was  resented  by 
the  Godfreys;  wediffer'd,  and  they  removed,  leaving 
me  the  whole  house,  and  I  resolved  to  take  no  more 
inmates. 

But  this  affair  having  turned  my  thoughts  to  mar 
riage,  I  look'd  round  me  and  made  overtures  of 
acquaintance  in  other  places;  but  soon  found  that, 
the  business  of  a  printer  being  generally  thought  a 
poor  one,  I  was  not  to  expect  money  with  a  wife, 
unless  with  such  a  one  as  I  should  not  otherwise  think 
agreeable.  In  the  mean  time,  that  hard-to-be-gov 
erned  passion  of  youth  hurried  me  frequently  into 


17°  Autobiography  of  [1706-1730 

intrigues  with  low  women  that  fell  in  my  way,  which 
were  attended  with  some  expense  and  great  incon 
venience,  besides  a  continual  risque  to  my  health  by 
a  distemper  which  of  all  things  I  dreaded,  though  by 
great  good  luck  I  escaped  it.  A  friendly  correspond 
ence  as  neighbors  and  old  acquaintances  had  con 
tinued  between  me  and  Mrs.  Read's  family,  who  all 
had  a  regard  for  me  from  the  time  of  my  first  lodging 
in  their  house.  I  was  often  invited  there  and  con 
sulted  in  their  affairs,  wherein  I  sometimes  was  of 
service.  I  piti'd  poor  Miss  Read's  unfortunate  situa 
tion,  who  was  generally  dejected,  seldom  cheerful, 
and  avoided  company.  I  considered  my  giddiness 
and  inconsistency  when  in  London  as  in  a  great 
degree  the  cause  of  her  unhappiness,  tho'  the  mother 
was  good  enough  to  think  the  fault  more  her  own 
than  mine,  as  she  had  prevented  our  marrying  before 
I  went  thither,  and  persuaded  the  other  match  in 
my  absence.  Our  mutual  affection  was  revived,  but 
there  were  now  great  objections  to  our  union.  The 
match  was  indeed  looked  upon  as  invalid,  a  preceding 
wife  being  said  to  be  living  in  England ;  but  this  could 
not  easily  be  prov'd,  because  of  the  distance ;  and,  tho' 
there  was  a  report  of  his  death,  it  was  not  certain. 
Then,  tho'  it  should  be  true,  he  had  left  many  debts, 
which  his  successor  might  be  call'd  upon  to  pay. 
We  ventured,  however,  over  all  these  difficulties,  and 
I  took  her  to  wife,  September  ist,  1730.  None  of 
the  inconveniences  happened  that  we  had  appre 
hended;  she  proved  a  good  and  faithful  helpmate, 
assisted  me  much  by  attending  the  shop ;  we  throve 
together,  and  have  ever  mutually  endeavor 'd  to 


1706-1730]  Benjamin  Franklin  171 

make  each  other  happy.  Thus  I  corrected  that  great 
erratum  as  well  as  I  could.1 

About  this  time,  our  club  meeting,  not  at  a  tavern, 
but  in  a  little  room  of  Mr.  Grace's,  set  apart  for  that 
purpose,  a  proposition  was  made  by  me,  that,  since 
our  books  were  often  referr'd  to  in  our  disquisitions 
upon  the  queries,  it  might  be  convenient  to  us  to 
have  them  altogether  where  we  met,  that  upon  occa 
sion  they  might  be  consulted;  and  by  thus  clubbing 
our  books  to  a  common  library,  we  should,  while  we 
lik'd  to  keep  them  together,  have  each  of  us  the  ad 
vantage  of  using  the  books  of  all  the  other  members, 
which  would  be  nearly  as  beneficial  as  if  each  owned 
the  whole.  It  was  lik'd  and  agreed  to,  and  we  fill'd 
one  end  of  the  room  with  such  books  as  we  could 
best  spare.  The  number  was  not  so  great  as  we  ex 
pected;  and  tho'  they  had  been  of  great  use,  yet 
some  inconveniences  occurring  for  want  of  due  care 
of  them,  the  collection,  after  about  a  year,  was 
separated,  and  each  took  his  books  home  again. 

And  now  I  set  on  foot  my  first  project  of  a  public 
nature,  that  for  a  subscription  library.  I  drew  up 
the  proposals,  got  them  put  into  form  by  our  great 
scrivener,  Brockden,  and,  by  the  help  of  my  friends 
in  the  Junto,  procured  fifty  subscribers  of  forty 
shillings  each  to  begin  with,  and  ten  shillings  a  year 
for  fifty  years,  the  term  our  company  was  to  con 
tinue.  We  afterwards  obtain 'd  a  charter,  the  com 
pany  being  increased  to  one  hundred:  this  was  the 
mother  of  all  the  North  American  subscription 

1  Mrs.  Franklin  survived  her  marriage  over  forty  years.  She  died 
December  19,  1774. — ED. 


Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

libraries,  now  so  numerous.  It  is  become  a  great 
thing  itself,  and  continually  increasing.  These  li 
braries  have  improved  the  general  conversation  of 
the  Americans,  made  the  common  tradesmen  and 
farmers  as  intelligent  as  most  gentlemen  from  other 
countries,  and  perhaps  have  contributed  in  some 
degree  to  the  stand  so  generally  made  throughout 
the  colonies  in  defence  of  their  privileges. 

Mem0.  Thus  far  was  written  with  the  inten 
tion  express  'd  in  the  beginning  and  therefore 
contains  several  little  family  anecdotes  of  no 
importance  to  others.  What  follows  was  writ 
ten  many  years  after  in  compliance  with  the  ad 
vice  contain  'd  in  these  letters,  and  accordingly 
intended  for  the  public.  The  affairs  of  the 
Revolution  occasion'd  the  interruption. 


LETTER  FROM  MR.  ABEL  JAMES,  WITH  NOTES  OF  MY 
LIFE  (RECEIVED  IN  PARIS). 

"My  DEAR  AND  HONORED  FRIEND:  I  have  often 
been  desirous  of  writing  to  thee,  but  could  not  be 
reconciled  to  the  thought,  that  the  letter  might  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  British,  lest  some  printer  or 
busy-body  should  publish  some  part  of  the  contents, 
and  give  our  friend  pain,  and  myself  censure. 

"  Some  time  since  there  fell  into  my  hands,  to  my 
great  joy,  about  twenty-  three  sheets  in  thy  own 
handwriting,  containing  an  account  of  the  parentage 
and  life  of  thyself,  directed  to  thy  son,  ending  in  the 
year  1730,  with  which  there  were  notes,  likewise  in 


1731-1757]  Benjamin  Franklin  173 

thy  writing;  a  copy  of  which  I  inclose,  in  hopes  it 
may  be  a  means,  if  thou  continued  it  up  to  a  later 
period,  that  the  first  and  latter  part  may  be  put  to 
gether;  and  if  it  is  not  yet  continued,  I  hope  thee 
will  not  delay  it.  Life  is  uncertain,  as  the  preacher 
tells  us ;  and  what  will  the  world  say  if  kind,  humane, 
and  benevolent  Ben.  Franklin  should  leave  his 
friends  and  the  world  deprived  of  so  pleasing  and 
profitable  a  work ;  a  work  which  would  be  useful  and 
entertaining  not  only  to  a  few,  but  to  millions  ?  The 
influence  writings  under  that  class  have  on  the  minds 
of  youth  is  very  great,  and  has  nowhere  appeared 
to  me  so  plain,  as  in  our  public  friend's  journals.  It 
almost  insensibly  leads  the  youth  into  the  resolution 
of  endeavoring  to  become  as  good  and  eminent  as  the 
journalist.  Should  thine,  for  instance,  when  pub 
lished  (and  I  think  it  could  not  fail  of  it),  lead  the 
youth  to  equal  the  industry  and  temperance  of  thy 
early  youth,  what  a  blessing  with  that  class  would 
such  a  work  be!  I  know  of  no  character  living,  nor 
many  of  them  put  together,  who  has  so  much  in  his 
power  as  thyself  to  promote  a  greater  spirit  of  in 
dustry  and  early  attention  to  business,  frugality,  and 
temperance  with  the  American  youth.  Not  that  I 
think  the  work  would  have  no  other  merit  and  use 
in  the  world,  far  from  it  ;  but  the  first  is  of 
such  vast  importance  that  I  know  nothing  that  can 
equal  it." 

The  foregoing  letter  and  the  minutes  accompany 
ing  it  being  shown  to  a  friend,  I  received  from  him 
the  following: 


174  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

LETTER   FROM    MR.    BENJAMIN    VAUGHAN. 

PARIS,  January  31,  1783. 

"My  DEAREST  SIR:  When  I  had  read  over  your 
sheets  of  minutes  of  the  principal  incidents  of  your 
life,  recovered  for  you  by  your  Quaker  acquaintance, 
I  told  you  I  would  send  you  a  letter  expressing  my 
reasons  why  I  thought  it  would  be  useful  to  complete 
and  publish  it  as  he  desired.  Various  concerns  have 
for  some  time  past  prevented  this  letter  being  writ 
ten,  and  I  do  not  know  whether  it  was  worth  any 
expectation;  happening  to  be  at  leisure,  however,  at 
present,  I  shall  by  writing,  at  least,  interest  and  in 
struct  myself;  but  as  the  terms  I  am  inclined  to  use 
may  tend  to  offend  a  person  of  your  manners,  I  shall 
only  tell  you  how  I  would  address  any  other  person, 
who  was  as  good  and  as  great  as  yourself,  but  less 
diffident.  I  would  say  to  him:  Sir,  I  solicit  the 
history  of  your  life  from  the  following  motives: 
Your  history  is  so  remarkable,  that  if  you  do  not  give 
it,  somebody  else  will  certainly  give  it ;  and  perhaps 
so  as  nearly  to  do  as  much  harm,  as  your  own  man 
agement  of  the  thing  might  do  good.  It  will  more 
over  present  a  table  of  the  internal  circumstances  of 
your  country,  which  will  very  much  tend  to  invite  to 
it  settlers  of  virtuous  and  manly  minds.  And  con 
sidering  the  eagerness  with  which  such  information  is 
sought  by  them,  and  the  extent  of  your  reputation, 
I  do  not  know  of  a  more  efficacious  advertisement 
than  your  biography  would  give.  All  that  has  hap 
pened  to  you  is  also  connected  with  the  detail  of  the 
manners  and  situation  of  a  rising  people ;  and  in  this 


1731-1757]  Benjamin  Franklin  175 

respect  I  do  not  think  that  the  writings  of  Caesar  and 
Tacitus  can  be  more  interesting  to  a  true  judge  of 
human  nature  and  society.  But  these,  sir,  are  small 
reasons,  in  my  opinion,  compared  with  the  chance 
which  your  life  will  give  for  the  forming  of  future 
great  men;  and  in  conjunction  with  your  Art  of 
Virtue  (which  you  design  to  publish),  of  improving 
the  features  of  private  character,  and  consequently 
of  aiding  all  happiness,  both  public  and  domestic. 
The  two  works  I  allude  to,  sir,  will  in  particular  give 
a  noble  rule  and  example  of  self-education.  School 
and  other  education  constantly  proceed  upon  false 
principles,  and  show  a  clumsy  apparatus  pointed  at  a 
false  mark;  but  your  apparatus  is  simple,  and  the 
mark  a  true  one;  and  while  parents  and  young  per 
sons  are  left  destitute  of  other  just  means  of  estimat 
ing  and  becoming  prepared  for  a  reasonable  course  in 
life,  your  discovery,  that  the  thing  is  in  many  a  man's 
private  power,  will  be  invaluable!  Influence  upon 
the  private  character,  late  in  life,  is  not  only  an  influ 
ence  late  in  life,  but  a  weak  influence.  It  is  in  youth 
that  we  plant  our  chief  habits  and  prejudices;  it  is 
in  youth  that  we  take  our  party  as  to  profession, 
pursuits,  and  matrimony.  In  youth,  therefore,  the 
turn  is  given;  in  youth  the  education  even  of  the 
next  generation  is  given;  in  youth  the  private  and 
public  character  is  determined ;  and  the  term  of  life 
extending  but  from  youth  to  age,  life  ought  to  begin 
well  from  youth,  and  more  especially  before  we  take 
our  party  as  to  our  principal  objects.  But  your 
biography  will  not  merely  teach  self-education,  but 
the  education  of  a  wise  man ;  and  the  wisest  man  will 


Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

receive  lights  and  improve  his  progress,  by  seeing 
detailed  the  conduct  of  another  wise  man.  And 
why  are  weaker  men  to  be  deprived  of  such  helps, 
when  we  see  our  race  has  been  blundering  on  in  the 
dark,  almost  without  a  guide  in  this  particular,  from 
the  farthest  trace  of  time?  Show  then,  sir,  how 
much  is  to  be  done,  both  to  sons  and  fathers; 
and  invite  all  wise  men  to  become  like  yourself, 
and  other  men  to  become  wise.  When  we  see 
how  cruel  statesmen  and  warriors  can  be  to  the 
human  race,  and  how  absurd  distinguished  men 
can  be  to  their  acquaintance,  it  will  be  instructive 
to  observe  the  instances  multiply  of  pacific,  ac 
quiescing  manners;  and  to  find  how  compatible  it 
is  to  be  great  and  domestic,  enviable  and  yet  good- 
humored. 

"The  little  private  incidents  which  you  will  also 
have  to  relate,  will  have  considerable  use,  as  we  want, 
above  all  things,  rules  of  prudence  in  ordinary  affairs ; 
and  it  will  be  curious  to  see  how  you  have  acted  in 
these.  It  will  be  so  far  a  sort  of  key  to  life,  and  ex 
plain  many  things  that  all  men  ought  to  have  once 
explained  to  them,  to  give  them  a  chance  of  becom 
ing  wise  by  foresight.  The  nearest  thing  to  having 
experience  of  one's  own,  is  to  have  other  people's 
affairs  brought  before  us  in  a  shape  that  is  interest 
ing  ;  this  is  sure  to  happen  from  your  pen ;  our  affairs 
and  management  will  have  an  air  of  simplicity  or 
importance  that  will  not  fail  to  strike ;  and  I  am  con 
vinced  you  have  conducted  them  with  as  much 
originality  as  if  you  had  been  conducting  discussions 
in  politics  or  philosophy ;  and  what  more  worthy  of 


1731-1757]  Benjamin  Franklin  177 

experiments   and   system    (its   importance   and   its 
errors  considered)  than  human  life  ? 

"  Some  men  have  been  virtuous  blindly,  others 
have  speculated  fantastically,  and  others  have  been 
shrewd  to  bad  purposes;  but  you,  sir,  I  am  sure, 
will  give  under  your  hand  nothing  but  what  is  at 
the  same  moment  wise,  practical,  and  good.  Your 
account  of  yourself  (for  I  suppose  the  parallel  I  am 
drawing  for  Dr.  Franklin,  will  hold  not  only  in  point 
of  character,  but  of  private  history)  will  show  that 
you  are  ashamed  of  no  origin ;  a  thing  the  more  im 
portant,  as  you  prove  how  little  necessary  all  origin 
is  to  happiness,  virtue,  or  greatness.  As  no  end 
likewise  happens  without  a  means,  so  we  shall  find, 
sir,  that  even  you  yourself  framed  a  plan  by  which 
you  became  considerable;  but  at  the  same  time  we 
may  see  that  though  the  event  is  flattering,  the 
means  are  as  simple  as  wisdom  could  make  them; 
that  is,  depending  upon  nature,  virtue,  thought,  and 
habit,  j  Another  thing  demonstrated  will  be  the 
propriety  of  every  man's  waiting  for  his  time  for  ap 
pearing  upon  the  stage  of  the  world.  Our  sensations 
being  very  much  fixed  to  the  moment,  we  are  apt  to 
forget  that  more  moments  are  to  follow  the  first,  and 
consequently  that  man  should  arrange  his  conduct 
so  as  to  suit  the  whole  of  a  life.  Your  attribution 
appears  to  have  been  applied  to  your  life,  and  the 
passing  moments  of  it  have  been  enlivened  with  con 
tent  and  enjoyment,  instead  of  being  tormented  with 
foolish  impatience  or  regrets.  Such  a  conduct  is 
easy  for  those  who  make  virtue  and  themselves  in 
countenance  by  examples  of  other  truly  great  men, 


VOL.  I.— 12. 


i?B  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

of  whom  patience  is  so  often  the  characteristic. 
Your  Quaker  correspondent,  sir  (for  here  again  I 
will  suppose  the  subject  of  my  letter  resembling  Dr. 
Franklin),  praised  your  frugality,  diligence,  and 
temperance,  which  he  considered  as  a  pattern  for  all 
youth;  but  it  is  singular  that  he  should  have  for 
gotten  your  modesty  and  your  disinterestedness, 
without  which  you  never  could  have  waited  for  your 
advancement,  or  found  your  situation  in  the  mean 
time  comfortable;  which  is  a  strong  lesson  to  show 
the  poverty  of  glory  and  the  importance  of  regulating 
our  minds.  If  this  correspondent  had  known  the 
nature  of  your  reputation  as  well  as  I  do,  he  would 
have  said:  Your  former  writings  and  measures 
would  secure  attention  to  your  Biography,  and  Art 
of  Virtue;  and  your  Biography  and  Art  of  Virtue,  in 
return,  would  secure  attention  to  them.  This  is  an 
advantage  attendant  upon  a  various  character,  and 
which  brings  all  that  belongs  to  it  into  greater  play ; 
and  it  is  the  more  useful,  as  perhaps  more  persons 
are  at  a  loss  for  the  means  of  improving  their  minds 
and  characters,  than  they  are  for  the  time  or  the  in 
clination  to  do  it.  But  there  is  one  concluding  re 
flection,  sir,  that  will  shew  the  use  of  your  life  as  a 
mere  piece  of  biography.  This  style  of  writing 
seems  a  little  gone  out  of  vogue,  and  yet  it  is  a  very 
useful  one;  and  your  specimen  of  it  may  be  par 
ticularly  serviceable,  as  it  will  make  a  subject  of  com 
parison  with  the  lives  of  various  public  cut-throats 
and  intriguers,  and  with  absurd  monastic  self -tor 
mentors  or  vain  literary  triflers.  If  it  encourages 
more  writings  of  the  same  kind  with  your  own,  and 


Benjamin  Franklin  179 

induces  more  men  to  spent  lives  fit  to  be  written,  it 
will  be  worth  all  Plutarch's  Lives  put  together.  But 
being  tired  of  figuring  to  myself  a  character  of  which 
every  feature  suits  only  one  man  in  the  world,  with 
out  giving  him  the  praise  of  it,  I  shall  end  my  letter, 
my  dear  Dr.  Franklin,  with  a  personal  application  to 
your  proper  self.  I  am  earnestly  desirous,  then,  my 
dear  sir,  that  you  should  let  the  world  into  the  traits 
of  your  genuine  character,  as  civil  broils  may  oth 
erwise  tend  to  disguise  or  traduce  it.  Considering 
your  great  age,  the  caution  of  your  character,  and 
your  peculiar  style  of  thinking,  it  is  not  likely  that 
any  one  besides  yourself  can  be  sufficiently  master 
of  the  facts  of  your  life,  or  the  intentions  of  your 
mind,  i Besides  all  this,  the  immense  revolution  of  the 
present  period  will  necessarily  turn  our  attention 
towards  the  author  of  it,  and  when  virtuous  prin 
ciples  have  been  pretended  in  it,  it  will  be  highly  im 
portant  to  shew  that  such  have  really  influenced; 
and,  as  your  own  character  will  be  the  principal  one 
to  receive  a  scrutiny,  it  is  proper  (even  for  its  effects 
upon  your  vast  and  rising  country,  as  well  as  upon 
England  and  upon  Europe)  that  it  should  stand  re- 
«  spectable  and  eternal.  For  the  furtherance  of  hu 
man  happiness,  I  have  always  maintained  that  it  is 
necessary  to  prove  that  man  is  not  even  at  present  a 
vicious  and  detestable  animal  ;j  and  still  more  to 
prove  that  good  management  may  greatly  amend 
him;  and  it  is  for  much  the  same  reason,  that  I  am 
anxious  to  see  the  opinion  established,  that  there  are 
fair  characters  existing  among  the  individuals  of  the 
race;  for  the  moment  that  all  men,  without  excep- 


i8o  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

tion,  shall  be  conceived  abandoned,  good  people  will 
cease  efforts  deemed  to  be  hopeless,  and  perhaps 
think  of  taking  their  share  in  the  scramble  of  life,  or 
at  least  of  making  it  comfortable  principally  for 
themselves.  Take  then,  my  dear  sir,  this  work  most 
speedily  into  hand:  shew  yourself  good  as  you  are 
good ;  temperate  as  you  are  temperate ;  and  above 
all  things,  prove  yourself  as  one,  who  from  your  in 
fancy  have  loved  justice,  liberty,  and  concord,  in  a 
way  that  has  made  it  natural  and  consistent  for  you 
to  have  acted,  as  we  have  seen  you  act  in  the  last 
seventeen  years  of  your  life.  Let  Englishmen  be 
made  not  only  to  respect,  but  even  to  love  you. 
When  they  think  well  of  individuals  in  your  native 
country,  they  will  go  nearer  to  think  well  of  your 
country ;  and  when  your  countrymen  see  themselves 
well  thought  of  by  Englishmen,  they  will  go  nearer 
to  thinking  well  of  England.  Extend  your  views 
even  further;  do  not  stop  at  those  who  speak  the 
English  tongue,  but  after  having  settled  so  many 
points  in  nature  and  politics,  think  of  bettering  the 
whole  race  of  men.  As  I  have  not  read  any  part  of 
the  life  in  question,  but  know  only  the  character  that 
lived  it,  I  write  somewhat  at  hazard.  I  am  sure, 
however,  that  the  life  and  the  treatise  I  allude  to 
(on  the  Art  of  Virtue)  will  necessarily  fulfil  the  chief 
of  my  expectations ;  and  still  more  so  if  you  take  up 
the  measure  of  suiting  these  performances  to  the 
several  views  above  stated.  Should  they  even  prove 
unsuccessful  in  all  that  a  sanguine  admirer  of  yours 
hopes  from  them,  you  will  at  least  have  framed 
pieces  to  interest  the  human  mind;  and  whoever 


Benjamin  Franklin  181 

gives  a  feeling  of  pleasure  that  is  innocent  to  man, 
has  added  so  much  to  the  fair  side  of  a  life  otherwise 
too  much  darkened  by  anxiety  and  too  much  in 
jured  by  pain.  In  the  hope,  therefore,  that  you  will 
listen  to  the  prayer  addressed  to  you  in  this  letter,  I 
beg  to  subscribe  myself,  my  dearest  sir,  etc.,  etc., 
''Signed,  BENJ.  VAUGHAN." 


CONTINUATION  OF  THE  ACCOUNT  OF  MY  LIFE,   BEGUN 
AT    PASSY,    NEAR    PARIS,    1784 

It  is  some  time  since  I  receiv'd  the  above  letters, 
but  I  have  been  too  busy  till  now  to  think  of  com 
plying  with  the  request  they  contain.  It  might,  too, 
be  much  better  done  if  I  were  at  home  among  my 
papers,  which  would  aid  my  memory,  and  help  to 
ascertain  dates;  but  my  return  being  uncertain,  and 
having  just  now  a  little  leisure,  I  will  endeavor  to 
recollect  and  write  what  I  can;  if  I  live  to  get  home, 
it  may  there  be  corrected  and  improv'd. 

Not  having  any  copy  here  of  what  is  already  writ 
ten,  I  know  not  whether  an  account  is  given  of  the 
means  I  used  to  establish  the  Philadelphia  public 
library,  which,  from  a  small  beginning,  is  now  be 
come  so  considerable,  though  I  remember  to  have 
come  down  to  near  the  time  of  that  transaction 
(1730).  I  will  therefore  begin  here  with  an  account 
of  it,  which  may  be  struck  out  if  found  to  have  been 
already  given. 

At  the  time  I  establish'd  myself  in  Pennsylvania, 
there  was  not  a  good  bookseller's  shop  in  any  of  the 


182  Autobiography  of  [in*-1 7 57 

colonies  to  the  southward  of  Boston.  In  New  York 
and  Philad'a  the  printers  were  indeed  stationers; 
they  sold  only  paper,  etc.,  almanacs,  ballads,  and  a 
few  common  school-books.  Those  who  lov'd  read 
ing  were  oblig'd  to  send  for  their  books  from  Eng 
land;  the  members  of  the  Junto  had  each  a  few. 
We  had  left  the  alehouse,  where  we  first  met,  and 
hired  a  room  to  hold  our  club  in.  I  propos'd  that 
we  should  all  of  us  bring  our  books  to  that  room, 
where  they  would  not  only  be  ready  to  consult  in  our 
conferences,  but  become  a  common  benefit,  each  of 
us  being  at  liberty  to  borrow  such  as  he  wish'd  to 
read  at  home.  This  was  accordingly  done,  and  for 
some  time  contented  us. 

Finding  the  advantage  of  this  little  collection,  I 
propos'd  to  render  the  benefit  from  books  more  com 
mon,  by  commencing  a  public  subscription  library. 
I  drew  a  sketch  of  the  plan  and  rules  that  would  be 
necessary,  and  got  a  skilful  conveyancer,  Mr.  Charles 
Brockden,  to  put  the  whole  in  form  of  articles  of 
agreement  to  be  subscribed,  by  which  each  sub 
scriber  engag'd  to  pay  a  certain  sum  down  for  the 
first  purchase  of  books,  and  an  annual  contribution 
for  increasing  them.  So  few  were  the  readers  at 
that  time  in  Philadelphia,  and  the  majority  of  us  so 
poor,  that  I  was  not  able,  with  great  industry,  to 
find  more  than  fifty  persons,  mostly  young  trades 
men,  willing  to  pay  down  for  this  purpose  forty 
shillings  each,  and  ten  shillings  per  annum.  On 
this  little  fund  we  began.  The  books  were  im 
ported;  the  library  was  opened  one  day  in  the  week 
for  lending  to  the  subscribers,  on  their  promissory 


1731-1757]  Benjamin  Franklin  183 

notes  to  pay  double  the  value  if  not  duly  returned. 
The  institution  soon  manifested  its  utility,  was  im 
itated  by  other  towns,  and  in  other  provinces.  The 
libraries  were  augmented  by  donations ;  reading  be 
came  fashionable ;  and  our  people,  having  no  publick 
amusements  to  divert  their  attention  from  study, 
became  better  acquainted  with  books,  and  in  a  few 
years  were  observ'd  by  strangers  to  be  better  in 
structed  and  more  intelligent  than  people  of  the  same 
rank  generally  are  in  other  countries. 

When  we  were  about  to  sign  the  above-mentioned 
articles,  which  were  to  be  binding  on  us,  our  heirs, 
etc.,  for  fifty  years,  Mr.  Brockden,  the  scrivener,  said 
to  us:  "  You  are  young  men,  but  it  is  scarcely  prob 
able  that  any  of  you  will  live  to  see  the  expiration  of 
the  term  fix'd  in  the  instrument."  A  number  of  us, 
however,  are  yet  living;  but  the  instrument  was 
after  a  few  years  rendered  null  by  a  charter  that  in 
corporated  and  gave  perpetuity  to  the  company.1 

The  objections  and  reluctances  I  met  with  in 
soliciting  the  subscriptions,  made  me  soon  feel  the 
impropriety  of  presenting  one's  self  as  the  proposer 
of  any  useful  project,  that  might  be  supposed  to 

Braise  one's  reputation  in  the  smallest  degree  above 
that  of  one's  neighbors,  when  one  has  need  of  their 

'assistance  to  accomplish  that  project.  I  therefore 
put  myself  as  much  as  I  could  out  of  sight,  and 
stated  it  as  a.  scheme  of  a  number  of  friends,  who  had 
requested  me  to  go  about  and  propose  it  to  such  as 

1  This  library  was  founded  in  1731,  and  incorporated  in  1742.  By 
the  addition  made  to  it  of  the  library  left  by  Mr.  James  Logan,  and  by 
annual  purchases,  the  Philadelphia  Library  now  numbers  between 
70,000  and  80,000  volumes. — ED. 


v"  •<>    PV 

184  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

^  A 

they  thought  lovers  of  reading.  In  this  way  my 
affair  went  on  more  smoothly,  and  I  ever  after  prac- 
tis'd  it  on  such  occasions;  and,  from  my  frequent 
successes,  can  heartily  recommend  it.  The  present 
little  sacrifice  of  your  vanity  will  afterwards  be 
amply  repaid.  If  it  remains  a  while  uncertain  to 
whom  the  merit  belongs,  some  one  more  vain  than 
yourself  will  be  encouraged  to  claim  it,  and  then 
even  envy  will  be  disposed  to  do  you  justice  by 
plucking  those  assumed  feathers,  and  restoring  them 
to  their  right  owner.1 

This  library  afforded  me  the  means  of  improve 
ment  by  constant  study,  for  which  I  set  apart  an 
hour  or  two  each  day,  and  thus  repair 'd  in  some  de 
gree  the  loss  of  the  learned  education  my  father  once 
intended  for  me.  Reading  was  the  only  amusement 
I  allow'd  myself.  I  spent  no  time  in  taverns,  games, 
or  f rolicks  of  any  kind ;  and  my  industry  in  my  busi 
ness  continu'd  as  indefatigable  as  it  was  necessary. 
I  was  indebted  for  my  printing-house ;  I  had  a  young 
family  coming  on  to  be  educated,  and  I  had  to  contend 
with  for  business,  two  printers  who  were  established 
in  the  place  before  me.  My  circumstances,  however, 
grew  daily  easier.  My  original  habits  of  frugality 
continuing,  and  my  father  having,  among  his  in 
structions  to  me  when  a  boy,  frequently  repeated  a 
proverb  of  Solomon:  "  Seest  thou  a  man  diligent  in 
his  calling,  he  shall  stand  before  kings,  he  shall  not 
stand  before  mean  men,"  I  from  thence  considered 

1  This  was  a  wise  application  of  one  of  the  most  cynical  precepts  of 
Ovid  in  his  banishment:  "Crede  mihi,  bene  qui  latuit  bene  vixit." — 
Tristia  Elegia,  iv.,  25.  This  line  was  subsequently  adopted  as  his 
motto  by  the  illustrious  author  of  the  Cartesian  philosophy. 


1731-1757]  Benjamin  Franklin  185 

industry,  as  a  means  of  obtaining  wealth  and  dis 
tinction,  which  encourag'd  me,  tho'  I  did  not  think 
that  I  should  ever  literally  stand  before  kings,  which, 
however,  has  since  happened;  for  I  have  stood  be 
fore  five,  and  even  had  the  honor  of  sitting  down 
with  one,  the  King  of  Denmark,  to  dinner. 

We  have  an  English  proverb  that  says:  "He  that 
would  thrive,  must  ask  his  wife."  It  was  lucky  for 
me  that  I  had  one  as  much  dispos'd  to  industry  and 
frugality  as  myself.  She  assisted  me  cheerfully  in 
my  business,  folding  and  stitching  pamphlets,  tend 
ing  shop,  purchasing  old  linen  rags  for  the  paper- 
makers,  etc.,  etc.  We  kept  no  idle  servants,  our 
table  was  plain  and  simple,  our  furniture  of  the 
cheapest.  For  instance,  my  breakfast  was  a  long 
time  bread  and  milk  (no  tea),  and  I  ate  it  out  of  a 
twopenny  earthen  porringer,  with  a  pewter  spoon. 
But  mark  how  luxury  will  enter  families,  and  make 
a  progress,  in  spite  of  principle:  being  call'd  one 
morning  to  breakfast,  I  found  it  in  a  China  bowl, 
with  a  spoon  of  silver!  They  had  been  bought  for 
me  without  my  knowledge  by  my  wife,  and  had  cost 
her  the  enormous  sum  of  three- and- twenty  shillings, 
for  which  she  had  no  other  excuse  or  apology  to  make, 
but  that  she  thought  her  husband  deserv'd  a  silver 
spoon  and  a  China  bowl  as  well  as  any  of  his  neigh 
bors.  This  was  the  first  appearance  of  plate  and 
China  in  our  house,  which  afterward,  in  a  course  of 
years,  as  our  wealth  increas'd,  augmented  gradually 
to  several  hundred  pounds  in  value. 

I  had  been  religiously  educated  as  a  Presbyterian ; 
and  tho'  some  of  the  dogmas  of  that  persuasion,  such 


i86  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

as  the  eternal  decrees  of  God,  election,  reprobation,  etc., 
appeared  to  me  unintelligible,  others  doubtful,  and 
I  early  absented  myself  from  the  public  assemblies 
of  the  sect,  Sunday  being  my  studying  day,  I  never 
was  without  some  religious  principles.  I  never 
doubted,  for  instance,  the  existence  of  the  Deity; 
that  he  made  the  world,  and  govern'd  it  by  his 
Providence;  that  the  most  acceptable  service  of 
God  was  the  doing  good  to  man;  that  our  souls  are 
immortal;  and  that  all  crime  will  be  punished,  and 
virtue  rewarded,  either  here  or  hereafter.  These  I 
esteem'd  the  essentials  of  every  religion;  and,  being 
to  be  found  in  all  the  religions  we  had  in  our  country, 
I  respected  them  all,  tho'  with  different  degrees  of 
respect,  as  I  found  them  more  or  less  mix'd  with 
other  articles,  which,  without  any  tendency  to  in- 
spire,  promote,  or  confirm  morality,  serv'd  prin- 
(cipally  to  divide  us,  and  make  us  unfriendly  to  one 
another.  This  respect  to  all,  with  an  opinion  that  the 
worst  had  some  good  effects,  indue 'd  me  to  avoid  all 
discourse  that  might  tend  to  lessen  the  good  opinion 
another  might  have  of  his  own  religion;  and  as  our 
province  increas'd  in  people,  and  new  places  of  wor 
ship  were  continually  wanted,  and  generally  erected 
»  by  voluntary  contribution,  my  mite  for  such  purpose, 
;  whatever  might  be  the  sect,  was  never  refused. 

Tho'  I  seldom  attended  any  public  worship,  I  had 
still  an  opinion  of  its  propriety,  and  of  its  utility 
when  rightly  conducted,  and  I  regularly  paid  my 
annual  subscription  for  the  support  of  the  only  Pres 
byterian  minister  or  meeting  we  had  in  Philadelphia. 
He  us'd  to  visit  me  sometimes  as  a  friend,  and  ad- 


Benjamin  Franklin  187 

monish  me  to  attend  his  administrations,  and  I  was 
now  and  then  prevail'd  on  to  do  so,  once  for  five 
Sundays  successively.  Had  he  been  in  my  opinion 
a  good  preacher,  perhaps  I  might  have  continued, 
notwithstanding  the  occasion  I  had  for  the  Sunday's 
leisure  in  my  course  of  study ;  but  his  discourses  were 
chiefly  either  polemic  arguments,  or  explications  of 
the  peculiar  doctrines  of  our  sect,  and  were  all  to  me 
very  d,ry ^uninteresting,  and  unedifying,  since  not  a 
single  moral  principle  was  inculcated  or  enforc'd, 
their  aim  seeming  to  be  rather  to  make  us  Presby 
terians  than  good  citizens. 

At  length  he  took  for  his  text  that  verse  of  the 
fourth  chapter  of  Philippians:  "Finally,  brethren, 
whatsoever  things  are  true,  honest,  just,  pure,  lovely, 
or  of  good  report,  if  there  be  any  virtue,  or  any  praise, 
think  on  these  things.11  And  I  imagin'd,  in  a  sermon 
on  such  a  text,  we  could  not  miss  of  having  some 
morality.  But  he  confin'd  himself  to  five  points  only, 
as  meant  by  the  apostle,  viz.:  i.  Keeping  holy  the 
Sabbath  day.  2.  Being  diligent  in  reading  the  holy 
Scriptures.  3.  Attending  duly  the  publick  worship. 
4.  Partaking  of  the  Sacrament.  5.  Paying  a  due 
respect  to  God's  ministers.  These  might  be  all  good 
things ;  but,  as  they  were  not  the  kind  of  good  things 
that  I  expected  from  that  text,  I  despaired  of  ever 
meeting  with  them  from  any  other,  was  disgusted, 
and  attended  his  preaching  no  more.  I  had  some 
years  before  compos 'd  a  little  Liturgy,  or  form  of 
prayer,  for  my  own  private  use  (viz.,  in  1728),  en 
titled  Articles  of  Belief  and  Acts  of  Religion.  I  re 
turn 'd  to  the  use  of  this,  and  went  no  more  to  the 


i88  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

public  assemblies.  My  conduct  might  be  blameable, 
but  I  leave  it,  without  attempting  further  to  excuse 
it ;  my  present  purpose  being  to  relate  facts,  and  not 
to  make  apologies  for  them. 

It  was  about  this  time  I  conceived  the  bold  and 
arduous  project  of  arriving  at  moral  perfection.  I 
wish'd  to  live  without  committing  any  fault  at  any 
time;  I  would  conquer  all  that  either  natural  in 
clination,  custom,  or  company  might  lead  me  into. 
As  I  knew,  or  thought  I  knew,  what  was  right  and 
wrong,  I  did  not  see  why  I  might  not  always  do  the 
one  and  avoid  the  other.  But  I  soon  found  I  had 
undertaken  a  task  of  more  difficulty  than  I  had  im 
agined.  While  my  care  was  employ 'd  in  guarding 
against  one  fault,  I  was  often  surprised  by  another; 
habit  took  the  advantage  of  inattention ;  inclination 
was  sometimes  too  strong  for  reason.  I  concluded, 
at  length,  that  the  mere  speculative  conviction  that 
it  was  our  interest  to  be  completely  virtuous,  was  not 
sufficient  to  prevent  our  slipping ;  and  that  the  con 
trary  habits  must  be  broken,  and  good  ones  acquired 
and  established,  before  we  can  have  any  dependence 
on  a  steady,  uniform  rectitude  of  conduct.  For  this 
purpose  I  therefore  contrived  the  following  method. 

In  the  various  enumerations  of  the  moral  virtues  I 
had  met  with  in  my  reading,  I  found  the  catalogue 
more  or  less  numerous,  as  different  writers  included 
more  or  fewer  ideas  under  the  same  name.  Tem 
perance,  for  example,  was  by  some  confined  to  eating 
and  drinking,  while  by  others  it  was  extended  to 
mean  the  moderating  every  other  pleasure,  appetite, 
inclination,  or  passion,  bodily  or  mental,  even  tc 


Benjamin  Franklin  189 

our  avarice  and  ambition.  I  propos'd  to  myself,  for 
the  sake  of  clearness,  to  use  rather  more  names,  with 
fewer  ideas  annex 'd  to  each,  than  a  few  names  with 
more  ideas ;  and  I  included  under  thirteen  names  of 
virtues  all  that  at  that  time  occurr'd  to  me  as  neces 
sary  or  desirable,  and  annexed  to  each  a  short  pre 
cept,  which  fully  express 'd  the  extent  I  gave  to  its 
meaning. 

These  names  of  virtues,  with  their  precepts,  were  : 


i.  TEMPERANCE 
Eat  not  to  dullness;  drink  not  to  elevation. 


•' 


2.  SILENCE 


Speak  not  but  what  may  benefit  others  or  your 
self;  avoid  trifling  conversation. 

3.  ORDER 

'   A\ 

Let  all  your  things  have  their  places ;  let  each  part 
of  your  business  have  its  time. 

* 
4.  RESOLUTION 

Resolve  to  perform  what  you  ought;    perform 
without  fail  what  you  resolve. 

5.  FRUGALITY 

Make  no  expense  but  to  do  good  to  others  or  your 
self ;  i.  e.,  waste  nothing. 

6.  INDUSTRY 

Lose  no  time;   be  always  employ 'd  in  something 
useful ;  cut  off  all  unnecessary  actions. 


i9°  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

7.  SINCERITY 

Use  no  hurtful  deceit ;  think  innocently  and  justly ; 
and,  if  you  speak,  speak  accordingly. 

8.  JUSTICE 

Wrong  none  by  doing  injuries,  or  omitting  the 
benefits  that  are  your  duty. 

9.  MODERATION 

Avoid  extreams;  forbear  resenting  injuries  so 
much  as  you  think  they  deserve. 

10.  CLEANLINESS 

Tolerate  no  uncleanliness  in  body,  cloaths,  or 
habitation. 

ii.  TRANQUILLITY 

Be  not  disturbed  at  trifles,  or  at  accidents  common 
or  unavoidable. 

12.  CHASTITY 

Rarely  use  venery  but  for  health  or  offspring, 
never  to  dulness,  weakness,  or  the  injury  of  your 
own  or  another's  peace  or  reputation. 

13.  HUMILITY 
Imitate  Jesus  and  Socrates. 

My  intention  being  to  acquire  the  habitude  of  all 
these  virtues,  I  judg'd  it  would  be  well  not  to  dis 
tract  my  attention  by  attempting  the  whole  at  once, 
but  to  fix  it  on  one  of  them  at  a  time ;  and,  when  I 
should  be  master  of  that,  then  proceed  to  another, 
and  so  on  till  I  had  gone  thro'  the  thirteen;  and,  as 


Benjamin  Franklin  191 

the  previous  acquisition  of  some  might  facilitate  the 
acquisition  of  certain  others,  I  arrang'd  them  with 
that  view,  as  they  stand  above.  Temperance  first, 
as  it  tends  to  procure  that  coolness  and  clearness  of 
head,  which  is  so  necessary  where  constant  vigilance 
was  to  be  kept  up,  and  guard  maintained  against  the 
unremitting  attraction  of  ancient  habits,  and  the 
force  of  perpetual  temptations.  This  being  acquir'd 
and  establish 'd,  Silence  would  be  more  easy;  and  my 
'desire  being  to  gain  knowledge  at  the  same  time  that 
1 1  improv'd  in  virtue,  and  considering  that  in  con 
versation  it  was  obtain 'd  rather  by  the  use  of  the 
ears  than  of  the  tongue,  and  therefore  wishing  to 
break  a  habit  I  was  getting  into  of  prattling,  punning, 
and  joking,  which  only  made  me  acceptable  to 
trifling  company,  I  gave  Silence  the  second  place. 
This  and  the  next,  Order,  I  expected  would  allow  me 
more  time  for  attending  to  my  project  and  my  stud 
ies.  Resolution,  once  become  habitual,  would  keep 
me  firm  in  my  endeavors  to  obtain  all  the  subsequent 
virtues ;  Frugality  and  Industry  freeing  me  from  my 
remaining  debt,  and  producing  affluence  and  inde 
pendence,  would  make  more  easy  the  practice  of 
Sincerity  and  Justice,  etc.,  etc.  Conceiving,  then, 
that,  agreeably  to  the  advice  of  Pythagoras  in  his 
Golden  Verses,1  daily  examination  would  be  neces- 

1  The  verses  here  referred  to  are  thus  given  as  Englished  from  the 
version  of  Hierocles: 

"  In  this  place  you  should  collect  together  the  sense  of  all  the  forego 
ing  precepts,  that  so  giving  heed  to  them  as  to  the  laws  of  God  in  the  in 
ward  judicature  of  the  soul,  you  may  make  a  just  examination  of  what 
you  have  done  well  or  ill.  For  how  will  our  remembrance  reprehend  us 
for  doing  ill,  or  praise  us  for  doing  well,  unless  the  preceding  meditation 
receive  some  laws,  according  to  which  the  whole  tenor  of  our  life  should 


192  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

sary,  I  contrived  the  following  method  for  conducting 
that  examination. 

I  made  a  little  book,  in  which  I  allotted  a  page  for 

be  ordered,  and  to  which  we  should  conform  the  very  private  recesses  of 
conscience  all  our  lives  long?  He  requires  also  that  this  examination 
be  daily  repeated,  that  by  continual  returns  of  recollection  we  may  not 
be  deceived  in  our  judgment.  The  time  which  he  recommends  for  this 
work  is  about  even  or  bed- time,  that  we  may  conclude  the  action  of  the 
day  with  the  judgment  of  conscience,  making  the  examination  of  our 
conversation  an  evening  song  to  God.  Wherein  have  I  transgressed? 
What  have  I  done?  What  duty  have  I  omitted?  So  shall  we  measure 
our  lives  by  the  rules  above  mentioned,  if  to  the  law  of  the  mind  we 
join  the  judgment  of  reason. 

"What  then  does  the  law  of  the  mind  say?  That  we  should  honor 
the  more  excellent  natures  according  to  their  essential  order,  that  we 
should  have  our  parents  and  relations  in  high  esteem,  love  and  embrace 
good  men,  raise  ourselves  above  corporal  affections,  everywhere  stand 
in  awe  of  ourselves,  carefully  observe  justice,  consider  the  frailty  of 
riches  and  momentary  life,  embrace  the  lot  which  falls  to  us  by  divine 
judgment,  delight  in  a  divine  frame  of  spirit,  convert  our  mind  to  what 
is  most  excellent,  love  good  discourses,  not  lie  open  to  impostures,  not 
be  servilely  affected  in  the  possession  of  virtue,  advise  before  action 
to  prevent  repentance, free  ourselves  from  uncertain  opinions, live  with 
knowledge,  and  lastly,  that  we  should  adapt  our  bodies  and  the  things 
without  to  the  exercise  of  virtue.  These  are  the  things  which  the  law- 
giving  mind  has  implanted  in  the  souls  of  men,  which  when  reason 
admits,  it  becomes  a  most  vigilant  judge  of  itself,  in  this  manner, 
Wherein  have  I  transgressed?  what  have  I  done?  and  if  afterwards  she 
finds  herself  to  have  spent  the  whole  day  agreeably  to  the  foregoing 
rules,  she  is  rewarded  with  a  divine  complacency.  And  if  she  find  any 
thing  done  amiss,  she  corrects  herself  by  the  restorative  of  an  after 
admonition. 

"Wherefore  he  would  have  us  keep  off  sleep  by  the  readiness  and 
alacrity  of  reason.  And  this  the  body  will  easily  endure,  if  temperately 
dieted  it  has  not  contracted  a  necessity  of  sleeping.  By  which  means 
even  our  most  natural  appetites  are  subjected  to  the  empire  of  reason. 

"Do  not  admit  sleep  (says  he)  till  you  have  examin'd  every  action  of 
the  day.  And  what  is  the  form  of  examination?  Wherein  have  I 
transgress'd?  what  have  I  done?  what  duty  have  I  omitted?  For 
we  sin  two  ways.  By  doing  what  we  should  not,  and  by  not  doing 
what  we  should.  For  't  is  one  thing  not  to  do  well,  and  another  thing 
to  commit  evil.  One  is  a  sin  of  omission,  and  the  other  of  commission. 

"For  instance,  't  is  our  duty  to  pray,  but  not  to  blaspheme;    to 


Benjamin  Franklin  193 

each  of  the  virtues.1  I  rul'd  each  page  with  red  ink, 
so  as  to  have  seven  columns,  one  for  each  day  of  the 
week,  marking  each  column  with  a  letter  for  the  day. 
I  cross  'd  these  columns  with  thirteen  red  lines,  mark 
ing  the  beginning  of  each  line  with  the  first  letter  of 
one  of  the  virtues,  on  which  line,  and  in  its  proper 
column,  I  might  mark,  by  a  little  black  spot,  every 
fault  I  found  upon  examination  to  have  been  com 
mitted  respecting  that  virtue  upon  that  day. 

nourish  our  parents,  but  not  to  revile  them.  He  that  does  the  former 
of  these,  does  what  he  ought;  he  that  does  the  latter,  what  he  ought 
not.  Though  there  is  as  much  guilt  in  a  sin  of  omission  as  in  a  sin  of 
commission. 

"He  exhorts  also  that  we  proceed  methodically  in  our  examination 
from  the  beginning  to  the  end,  leaving  nothing  out  in  the  middle,  which 
is  implied  by  the  word,  runover.  For  oftentimes  change  of  order  de 
ceives  the  judgment,  and  makes  us  favorable  to  our  ill  actions  through 
disorder  of  memory.  Besides,  a  daily  recollection  of  our  actions  begets 
care  and  studiousness  of  conversation,  and  a  sense  of  our  immortality. 
And  this  is  worth  our  admiration,  that  when  he  bid  us  recollect  every 
thing,  yet  he  added  not,  Wherein  have  I  done  well?  or  what  duty  have 
I  perform 'd  ?  But  he  turn'd  the  memory  to  what  was  a  less  occasion 
of  pride,  requiring  a  scrutiny  only  of  our  sins.  And  as  for  the  judge, 
he  has  constituted  that  which  is  most  just  and  impartial,  and  most 
intimate  and  domestick,  the  conscience,  right  reason,  or  a  man's  self, 
which  he  had  before  caution'd  us  to  stand  in  awe  of  above  all  things. 
For  who  can  so  admonish  another  as  every  man  can  himself?  For  he 
that  is  at  his  own  liberty  will  use  the  freedom  of  nature,  and  shake  off 
the  admonition  of  others,  when  he  is  not  minded  to  follow  them.  But 
reason,  which  is  within  us,  cannot  chuse  but  hear  itself.  God  has  set 
this  over  us  as  a  guardian,  instructor,  and  schoolmaster.  And  this  the 
verse  makes  the  judge  of  the  day's  action,  acquiesces  in  its  determina 
tion  whether  it  condemns  or  approves  itself.  For  when  it  reads  over 
what  is  done  in  the  register  of  memory,  then,  looking  into  the  exemplar 
of  the  law,  it  pronounces  itself  worthy  of  honor  or  dishonor.  This 
course,  if  daily  follow'd,  perfects  the  divine  image  in  them  that  use  it, 
leading  them  by  additions  and  subtractions  to  the  beauty  of  virtue,  and 
all  attainable  perfection.  For  here  end  the  instructions  about  civil 
virtue." — ED. 

1  This  "little  book"  is  dated  ist  of  July,  1733. 

VOL.  I.— 13. 


194 


Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 


Form  of  the  Pages 


TEMPERANCE. 

EAT  NOT  TO   DULLNESS  ; 
DRINK  NOT  TO   ELEVATION. 

S. 

M. 

T. 

W. 

T. 

F. 

S. 

T. 

S. 

* 

* 

* 

* 

o. 

*  * 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

R. 

* 

* 

F. 

* 

* 

I. 

* 

S. 

J. 

M. 

C. 

T. 

C. 

H. 

I  determined  to  give  a  week's  strict  attention  to 
each  of  the  virtues  successively.  Thus,  in  the  first 
week,  my  great  guard  was  to  avoid  every  the  least 
offence  against  Temperance,  leaving  the  other  virtues 
to  their  ordinary  chance,  only  marking  every  evening 
the  faults  of  the  day.  Thus,  if  in  the  first  week  I 
could  keep  my  first  line,  marked  T,  clear  of  spots,  I 
suppos'd  the  habit  of  that  virtue  so  much  strength 
en 'd,  and  its  opposite  weaken 'd,  that  I  might  venture 
extending  my  attention  to  include  the  next,  and  for 
the  following  week  keep  both  lines  clear  of  spots. 
Proceeding  thus  to  the  last,  I  could  go  thro'  a  course 
compleat  in  thirteen  weeks,  and  four  courses  in  a 
year.  And  like  him  who,  having  a  garden  to  weed, 
does  not  attempt  to  eradicate  all  the  bad  herbs  at 
once,  which  would  exceed  his  reach  and  his  strength, 


I73i-i757l  Benjamin  Franklin  195 

but  works  on  one  of  the  beds  at  a  time,  and,  having 
accomplish 'd  the  first,  proceeds  to  a  second,  so  I 
should  have,  I  hoped,  the  encouraging  pleasure  of 
seeing  on  my  pages  the  progress  I  made  in  virtue,  by 
clearing  successively  my  lines  of  their  spots,  till  in 
the  end,  by  a  number  of  courses,  I  should  be  happy 
in  viewing  a  clean  book,  after  a  thirteen  weeks'  daily 
examination. 

This  my  little  book  had  for  its  motto  these  lines 
from  Addison's  Cato: 

Here  will  I  hold.     If  there  's  a  power  above  us 
(And  that  there  is,  all  nature  cries  aloud 
Thro'  all  her  works),  He  must  delight  in  virtue; 
And  that  which  He  delights  in  must  be  happy. 

Another  from  Cicero, 

O  vitas  Philosophia  dux!  O  virtutum  indagatrix  ex- 
pultrixque  vitiorum!  Unus  dies,  bene  et  ex  praeceptis 
tuis  actus,  peccanti  immortalitati  est  anteponendus. 

Another  from  the  Proverbs  of  Solomon,  speaking 
of  wisdom  or  virtue : 

Length  of  days  is  in  her  right  hand,  and  in  her  left 
hand  riches  and  honour.  Her  ways  are  ways  of  pleasant 
ness,  and  all  her  paths  are  peace. — iii.  16,  17. 

And  conceiving  God  to  be  the  fountain  of  wisdom, 
I  thought  it  right  and  necessary  to  solicit  his  assist 
ance  for  obtaining  it;  to  this  end  I  formed  the  fol 
lowing  little  prayer,  which  was  prefix 'd  to  my  tables 
of  examination,  for  daily  use. 

O  powerful  Goodness!  bountiful  Father!  merciful  Guide! 
Increase  in  me  that  wisdom  which  discovers  my  truest  interest. 


i96  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

Strengthen  my  resolutions  to  perform  what  that  wisdom 
dictates.  Accept  my  kind  offices  to  thy  other  children  as  the 
only  return  in  my  power  for  thy  continual  favours  to  me. 

I  used  also  sometimes  a  little  prayer  which  I  took 

from  Thomson's  Poems ,  viz.: 
\ 

Father  of  light  and  life,  thou  Good  Supreme! 

O  teach  me  what  is  good;  teach  me  Thyself! 

Save  me  from  folly,  vanity,  and  vice, 

From  every  low  pursuit ;  and  fill  my  soul 

With  knowledge,  conscious  peace,  and  virtue  pure; 

Sacred,  substantial,  never-fading  bliss! 

The  precept  of  Order  requiring  that  every  part  of 
my  business  should  have  its  allotted  time,  one  page  in 
my  little  book  contain 'd  the  following  scheme  of  em 
ployment  for  the  twenty-four  hours  of  a  natural  day. 

THE  MORNING.  f    5  1      Rise,  wash,  and  address  Pow- 

Question.  What  good  shall  1  6  'erful  Goodness  !  Contrive  day's 
I  do  this  day?  \  \ business,  and  take  the  resolution 

of  the  day;   prosecute  the  pre- 
7  J  sent  study,  and  breakfast. 
81 


?  I  Work. 

Rea( 
counts,  and  dine. 


NOON.  j  12  I      Read,    or    overlook    my    ac- 

(    i 


2 

3  ^Work. 


4I 
sJ 


EVENING.  f    6  ]       ^ut    things    in    their   places. 

Question.    What  good  have  I J    7   [Supper.     Music  or  diversion,  or 


done  to-day? 


NIGHT. 


8  [conversation.      Examination  of 

9  J  the  day. 


10 
1 1 

I  2 

I 
2 

3 
4  J 


Sleep. 


i73I~I757]          Benjamin  Franklin  197 

I  enter 'd  upon  the  execution  of  this  plan  for  self- 
examination,  and  continu'd  it  with  occasional  inter 
missions  for  some  time.  I  was  surprised  to  find 
myself  so  much  fuller  of  faults  than  I  had  imagined; 
but  I  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  them  diminish. 
To  avoid  the  trouble  of  renewing  now  and  then  my 
little  book,  which,  by  scraping  out  the  marks  on  the 
paper  of  old  faults  to  make  room  for  new  ones  in  a 
new  course,  became  full  of  holes,  I  transferr'd  my 
tables  and  precepts  to  the  ivory  leaves  of  a  memo 
randum  book,  on  which  the  lines  were  drawn  with 
red  ink,  that  made  a  durable  stain,  and  on  those  lines 
I  mark'd  my  faults  with  a  black-lead  pencil,  which 
marks  I  could  easily  wipe  out  with  a  wet  sponge. 
After  a  while  I  went  thro'  one  course  only  in  a  year, 
and  afterward  only  one  in  several  years,  till  at  length 
I  omitted  them  entirely,  being  employ 'd  in  voyages 
and  business  abroad,  with  a  multiplicity  of  affairs 
that  interfered;  but  I  always  carried  my  little  book 
with  me. 

My  scheme  of  ORDER  gave  me  the  most  trouble; 
and  I  found  that,  tho'  it  might  be  practicable  where 
a  man's  business  was  such  as  to  leave  him  the  dispo 
sition  of  his  time,  that  of  a  journeyman  printer,  for 
instance,  it  was  not  possible  to  be  exactly  observed 
by  a  master  who  must  mix  with  the  world  and  often 
receive  people  of  business  at  their  own  hours.  Or 
der,  too,  with  regard  to  places  for  things,  papers,  etc., 
I  found  extreamly  difficult  to  acquire.  I  had  not 
been  early  accustomed  to  it,  and,  having  an  exceed 
ing  good  memory,  I  was  not  so  sensible  of  the  incon 
venience  attending  want  of  method.  This  article, 


igS  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

therefore  cost  me  so  much  painful  attention  and  my 
faults  in  it  vexed  me  so  much,  and  I  made  so  little 
progress  in  amendment,  and  had  such  frequent  re 
lapses  that  I  was  almost  ready  to  give  up  the  attempt, 
and  content  myself  with  a  faulty  character  in  that 
respect,  like  the  man  who,  in  buying  an  ax  of  a 
smith,  my  neighbour,  desired  to  have  the  whole  of  its 
surface  as  bright  as  the  edge.  The  smith  consented 
to  grind  it  bright  for  him  if  he  would  turn  the  wheel ; 
he  turn'd  while  the  smith  press'd  the  broad  face  of 
the  ax  hard  and  heavily  on  the  stone  which  made  the 
turning  of  it  very  fatiguing.  The  man  came  every 
now  and  then  from  the  wheel  to  see  how  the  work 
went  on  and  at  length  would  take  his  ax  as  it  was, 
without  farther  grinding.  "No,"  said  the  smith 
"  turn  on,  turn  on ;  we  shall  have  it  bright  by  and  by ; 
as  yet,  it  is  only  speckled."  ;'Yes,"  says  the  man, 
"  but  I  think  I  like  a  speckled  ax  best."  And  I  believe 
this  may  have  been  the  case  with  many  who,  having, 
for  want  of  some  such  means  as  I  employ 'd,  found 
the  difficulty  of  obtaining  good  and  breaking  bad 
habits  in  other  points  of  vice  and  virtue,  have  given 
up  the  struggle,  and  concluded  that  "a  speckled  aoc 
was  best";  for  something,  that  pretended  to  be 
reason,  was  every  now  and  then  suggesting  to  me 
that  such  extream  nicety  as  I  exacted  of  myself 
might  be  a  kind  of  foppery  in  morals,  which,  if  it 
were  known,  would  make  me  ridiculous;  that  a 
perfect  character  might  be  attended  with  the  in 
convenience  of  being  envied  and  hated;  and  that 
a  benevolent  man  should  allow  a  few  faults  in  him 
self,  to  keep  his  friends  in  countenance. 


1731-1757]  Benjamin  Franklin  199 

In  truth,  I  found  myself  incorrigible  with  respect  to 
Order;  and  now  I  am  grown  old  and  my  memory 
bad,  I  feel  very  sensibly  the  want  of  it.  But,  on  the 
whole,  tho'  I  never  arrived  at  the  perfection  I  had 
been  so  ambitious  of  obtaining,  but  fell  far  short  of 
it,  yet  I  was,  by  the  endeavour,  a  better  and  a  happier 
man  than  I  otherwise  should  have  been  if  I  had  not 
attempted  it ;  as  those  who  aim  at  perfect  writing  by 
imitating  the  engraved  copies,  tho'  they  never  reach 
the  wish'd-for  excellence  of  those  copies,  their  hand  is 
mended  by  the  endeavour,  and  is  tolerable  while  it 
continues  fair  and  legible. 

It  may  be  well  my  posterity  should  be  informed 
that  to  this  little  artifice,  with  the  blessing  of  God, 
their  ancestor  ow'd  the  constant  felicity  of  his  life, 
down  to  his  79th  year,  in  which  this  is  written.  What 
reverses  may  attend  the  remainder  is  in  the  hand  of 
Providence;  but,  if  they  arrive,  the  reflection  on  past 
happiness  enjoy 'd  ought  to  help  his  bearing  them 
with  more  resignation.  To  Temperance  he  ascribes 
his  long-continued  health,  and  what  is  still  left  to 
him  of  a  good  constitution;  to  Industry  and  Fru 
gality,  the  early  easiness  of  his  circumstances  and 
acquisition  of  his  fortune,  with  all  that  knowledge 
that  enabled  him  to  be  a  useful  citizen,  and  obtained 
for  him  some  degree  of  reputation  among  the  learned ; 
to  Sincerity  and  Justice,  the  confidence  of  his  country, 
and  the  honorable  employs  it  conferred  upon  him; 
and  to  the  joint  influence  of  the  whole  mass  of 
virtues,  even  in  the  imperfect  state  he  was  able 
to  acquire  them,  all  that  evenness  of  temper,  and 
that  cheerfulness  in  conversation,  which  makes  his 


2oo  Autobiography  of 

company  still  sought  for  and  agreeable  even  to 
his  younger  acquaintances.  I  hope,  therefore,  that 
some  of  my  descendants  may  follow  the  example 
and  reap  the  benefit. 

It  will  be  remark 'd  that,  tho'  my  scheme  was  not 
wholly  without  religion,  there  was  in  it  no  mark  of 
any  of  the  distinguishing  tenets  of  any  particular 
sect.  I  had  purposely  avoided  them;  for,  being 
fully  persuaded  of  the  utility  and  excellence  of  my 
method,  and  that  it  might  be  serviceable  to  people 
in  all  religions,  and  intending  some  time  or  other  to 
publish  it,  I  would  not  have  any  thing  in  it  that 
should  prejudice  any  one,  of  any  sect,  against  it.  I 
purposed  writing  a  little  comment  on  each  virtue,  in 
which  I  would  have  shown  the  advantages  of  possess 
ing  it,  and  the  mischiefs  attending  its  opposite  vice; 
and  I  should  have  called  my  book  THE  ART  OF 
VIRTUE,1  because  it  would  have  shown  the  means 
and  manner  of  obtaining  virtue,  which  would  have 
distinguished  it  from  the  mere  exhortation  to  be 
good,  that  does  not  instruct  and  indicate  the  means, 
but  is  like  the  apostle's  man  of  verbal  charity, 
who  only,  without  showing  to  the  naked  and 
hungry  how  or  where  they  might  get  clothes  or 
victuals,  exhorted  them  to  be  fed  and  clothed. — 
James  ii.  15,  16. 

But  it  so  happened  that  my  intention  of  writing 
and  publishing  this  comment  was  never  fulfilled.  I 
did,  indeed,  from  time  to  time,  put  down  short  hints 
of  the  sentiments,  reasonings,  etc.,  to  be  made  use  of 
in  it,  some  of  which  I  have  still  by  me;  but  the 

1  Nothing  so  likely  to  make  a  man's  fortune  as  virtue. — Marg.  Note. 


I73I~I7$7]          Benjamin  Franklin  201 

necessary  close  attention  to  private  business  in  the 
earlier  part  of  my  life,  and  public  business  since,  have 
occasioned  my  postponing  it ;  for,  it  being  connected 
in  my  mind  with  a  great  and  extensive  project  that 
required  the  whole  man  to  execute,  and  which  an 
unforeseen  succession  of  employs  prevented  my  at 
tending  to,  it  has  hitherto  remain 'd  unfinish'd. 

In  this  piece  it  was  my  design  to  explain  and 
enforce  this  doctrine,  that  vicious  actions  are  not 
hurtful  because  they  are  forbidden,  but  forbidden 
because  they  are  hurtful,  the  nature  of  man  alone 
considered;  that  it  was,  therefore,  every  one's  in 
terest  to  be  virtuous  who  wish'd  to  be  happy  even 
in  this  world;  and  I  should,  from  this  circumstance 
(there  being  always  in  the  world  a  number  of  rich 
merchants,  nobility,  states,  and  princes,  who  have 
need  of  honest  instruments  for  the  management  of 
their  affairs,  and  such  being  rare),  have  endeavored 
to  convince  young  persons  that  no  qualities  were  so 
likely  to  make  a  poor  man's  fortune  as  those  of  pro 
bity  and  integrity. 

My  list  of  virtues  contain 'd  at  first  but  twelve;  but 
a  Quaker  friend  having  kindly  informed  me  that  I 
was  generally  thought  proud;  that  my  pride  show'd 
itself  frequently  in  conversation ;  that  I  was  not  con 
tent  with  being  in  the  right  when  discussing  any 
point,  but  was  overbearing,  and  rather  insolent,  of 
which  he  convinced  me  by  mentioning  several  in 
stances  ;  I  determined  endeavoring  to  cure  myself,  if 
I  could,  of  this  vice  or  folly  among  the  rest,  and  I 
added  Humility  to  my  list,  giving  an  extensive  mean 
ing  to  the  word. 


Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

I  cannot  boast  of  much  success  in  acquiring  the 
reality  of  this  virtue,  but  I  had  a  good  deal  with 
regard  to  the  appearance  of  it.  I  made  it  a  rule  to 
forbear  all  direct  contradiction  to  the  sentiments  of 
others,  and  all  positive  assertion  of  my  own.  I  even 
forbid  myself,  agreeably  to  the  old  laws  of  our  Junto, 
the  use  of  every  word  or  expression  in  the  language 
that  imported  a  fix'd  opinion,  such  as  certainly,  un 
doubtedly,  etc.,  and  I  adopted,  instead  of  them,  /  con 
ceive,  I  apprehend,  or  /  imagine  a  thing  to  be  so  or 
so;  or  it  so  appears  to  me  at  present.  When  another 
asserted  something  that  I  thought  an  error,  I  deny'd 
myself  the  pleasure  of  contradicting  him  abruptly, 
and  of  showing  immediately  some  absurdity  in  his 
proposition ;  and  in  answering  I  began  by  observing 
that  in  certain  cases  or  circumstances  his  opinion 
would  be  right,  but  in  the  present  case  there  appeared 
or  seem'd  to  me  some  difference,  etc.  I  soon  found 
the  advantage  of  this  change  in  my  manner ;  the  con 
versations  I  engag'd  in  went  on  more  pleasantly. 
The  modest  way  in  which  I  propos'd  my  opinions 
procur'd  them  a  readier  reception  and  less  contradic 
tion;  I  had  less  mortification  when  I  was  found  to 
be  in  the  wrong,  and  I  more  easily  prevail'd  with 
others  to  give  up  their  mistakes  and  join  with  me 
when  I  happened  to  be  in  the  right. 

And  this  mode,  which  I  at  first  put  on  with  some 
violence  to  natural  inclination,  became  at  length  so 
easy,  and  so  habitual  to  me,  that  perhaps  for  these 
fifty  years  past  no  one  has  ever  heard  a  dogmatical 
expression  escape  me.  And  to  this  habit  (after  my 
character  of  integrity)  I  think  it  principally  owing 


Benjamin  Franklin  203 

that  I  had  early  so  much  weight  with  my  fellow- 
citizens  when  I  proposed  new  institutions,  or  altera 
tions  in  the  old,  and  so  much  influence  in  public 
councils  when  I  became  a  member;  for  I  was  but 
a  bad  speaker,  never  eloquent,  subject  to  much 
hesitation  in  my  choice  of  words,  hardly  correct  in 
language,  and  yet  I  generally  carried  my  points. 

In  reality,  there  is,  perhaps,  no  one  of  our  natural 
passions  so  hard  to  subdue  as  pride.  Disguise  it, 
struggle  with  it,  beat  it  down,  stifle  it,  mortify  it  as 
much  as  one  pleases,  it  is  still  alive,  and  will  every 
now  and  then  peep  out  and  show  itself;  you  will  see 
it,  perhaps,  often  in  this  history;  for,  even  if  I  could 
conceive  that  I  had  compleatly  overcome  it,  I  should 
probably  be  proud  of  my  humility. 

[Thus  far  written  at  Passy,  1784.] 

["/  am  now  about  to  write  at  home,  August,  1788,  but  can  not  have  the 
help  expected  from  my  papers,  many  of  them  being  lost  in  the  war. 
I  have,  however,  found  the  following"]  l 

Having  mentioned  a  great  and  extensive  project 
which  I  had  conceiv'd,  it  seems  proper  that  some  ac 
count  should  be  here  given  of  that  project  and  its 
object.  Its  first  rise  in  my  mind  appears  in  the  fol 
lowing  little  paper,  accidentally  preserv'd,viz. : 

Observations  on  my  reading  history,  in  Library, 
May  igth,  1731. 

"That  the  great  affairs  of  the  world,  the  wars, 
revolutions,  etc.,  are  carried  on  and  effected  by 
parties. 

"That  the  view  of  these  parties  is  their  present 
general  interest,  or  what  they  take  to  be  such. 

1  This  is  a  marginal  memorandum. — ED, 


204  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

:<  That  the  different  views  of  these  different  parties 
occasion  all  confusion. 

"  That  while  a  party  is  carrying  on  a  general  de 
sign,  each  man  has  his  particular  private  interest  in 
view. 

"That  as  soon  as  a  party  has  gain'd  its  general 
point,  each  member  becomes  intent  upon  his  par 
ticular  interest;  which,  thwarting  others,  breaks  that 
party  into  divisions,  and  occasions  more  confusion. 

"  That  few  in  public  affairs  act  from  a  meer  view  of 
the  good  of  their  country,  whatever  they  may  pre 
tend;  and,  tho'  their  actings  bring  real  good  to  their 
country,  yet  men  primarily  considered  that  their  own 
and  their  country's  interest  was  united,  and  did  not 
act  from  a  principle  of  benevolence. 

"  That  fewer  still,  in  public  affairs,  act  with  a  view 
to  the  good  of  mankind. 

"  There  seems  to  me  at  present  to  be  great  occasion 
for  raising  a  United  Party  for  Virtue,  by  forming  the 
virtuous  and  good  men  of  all  nations  into  a  regular 
body,  to  be  govern'd  by  suitable  good  and  wise  rules, 
which  good  and  wise  men  may  probably  be  more 
unanimous  in  their  obedience  to,  than  common  peo 
ple  are  to  common  laws. 

"  I  at  present  think  that  whoever  attempts  this 
aright,  and  is  well  qualified,  can  not  fail  of  pleasing 
God,  and  of  meeting  with  success.  B.  F." 

Revolving  this  project  in  my  mind,  as  to  be  under 
taken  hereafter,  when  my  circumstances  should  afford 
me  the  necessary  leisure,  I  put  down  from  time  to 
time  on  pieces  of  paper  such  thoughts  as  occurr'd  to 


1731-1757]  Benjamin  Franklin  205 

me  respecting  it.  Most  of  these  are  lost;  but  I  find 
one  purporting  to  be  the  substance  of  an  intended 
creed,  containing,  as  I  thought,  the  essentials  of  every 
known  religion,  and  being  free  of  every  thing  that 
might  shock  the  professors  of  any  religion.  It  is  ex 
press 'd  in  these  words,  viz.: 

"  That  there  is  one  God,  who  made  all  things. 

"  That  he  governs  the  world  by  his  providence. 

"That  he  ought  to  be  worshiped  by  adoration, 
prayer,  and  thanksgiving. 

"  But  that  the  most  acceptable  service  of  God  is 
doing  good  to  man. 

"  That  the  soul  is  immortal. 

"And  that  God  will  certainly  reward  virtue  and 
punish  vice,  either  here  or  hereafter.'* 

My  ideas  at  that  time  were,  that  the  sect  should  be 
begun  and  spread  at  first  among  young  and  single 
men  only ;  that  each  person  to  be  initiated  should  not 
only  declare  his  assent  to  such  creed,  but  should  have 
exercised  himself  with  the  thirteen  weeks'  examina 
tion  and  practice  of  the  virtues,  as  in  the  bef ore- 
mention 'd  model;  that  the  existence  of  such  a 
society  should  be  kept  a  secret  till  it  was  become 
considerable,  to  prevent  solicitations  for  the  admis 
sion  of  improper  persons,  but  that  the  members 
should  each  of  them  search  among  his  acquaintance 
for  ingenuous,  well-disposed  youths  to  whom  with 
prudent  caution  the  scheme  should  be  gradually 
communicated ;  that  the  members  should  engage  to 
afford  their  advice,  assistance,  and  support  to  each 


206  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

other  in  promoting  one  another's  interests,  business, 
and  advancement  in  life;  that,  for  distinction,  we 
should  be  call'd  The  Society  of  the  Free  and  Easy: 
free,  as  being,  by  the  general  practice  and  habit  of 
the  virtues  free  from  the  dominion  of  vice;  and 
particularly  by  the  practice  of  industry  and  frugality, 
free  from  debt  which  exposes  a  man  to  confinement 
and  a  species  of  slavery  to  his  creditors. 

This  is  as  much  as  I  can  now  recollect  of  the  pro 
ject,  except  that  I  communicated  it  in  part  to  two 
young  men,  who  adopted  it  with  some  enthusiasm; 
but  my  then  narrow  circumstances  and  the  necessity 
I  was  under  of  sticking  close  to  my  business  occa 
sion 'd  my  postponing  the  further  prosecution  of  it  at 
that  time;  and  my  multifarious  occupations,  public 
and  private,  in  due 'd  me  to  continue  postponing,  so 
that  it  has  been  omitted  till  I  have  no  longer  strength 
or  activity  left  sufficient  for  such  an  enterprise;  tho' 
I  am  still  of  the  opinion  that  it  was  a  practicable 
scheme,  and  might  have  been  very  useful,  by  forming 
a  great  number  of  good  citizens ;  and  I  was  not  dis- 
courag'd  by  the  seeming  magnitude  of  the  undertak 
ing,  as  I  have  always  thought  that  one  man  of  tolerable 
abilities  may  work  great  changes,  and  accomplish 
great  affairs  among  mankind  if  he  first  forms  a  good 
plan  and,  cutting  off  all  amusements  or  other  em 
ployments  that  would  divert  his  attention,  makes 
the  execution  of  that  same  plan  his  sole  study  and 
business. 

In  1732  I  first  publish 'd  my  Almanack,  under  the 
name  of  Richard  Saunder;  it  was  continu'd  by  me 
about  twenty-five  years,  commonly  call'd  Poor  Rick- 


1731-1757]  Benjamin  Franklin  207 

ardys  Almanac.  I  endeavor 'd  to  make  it  both  enter 
taining  and  useful,  and  it  accordingly  came  to  be  in 
such  demand,  that  I  reap'd  considerable  profit  from 
it,  vending  annually  near  ten  thousand.1  And  ob 
serving  that  it  was  generally  read,  scarce  any  neigh 
borhood  in  the  province  being  without  it,  I  consider 'd 
is  as  a  proper  vehicle  for  conveying  instruction  among 
the  common  people,  who  bought  scarcely  any  other 
books ;  I  therefore  filled  all  the  little  spaces  that  oc- 
curr'd  between  the  remarkable  days  in  the  calendar 
with  proverbial  sentences,  chiefly  such  as  inculcated 
industry  and  frugality,  as  the  means  of  procuring 
wealth,  and  thereby  securing  virtue;  it  being  more 
difficult  for  a  man  in  want,  to  act  always  honestly,  as, 
to  use  here  one  of  those  proverbs,  it  is  hard  for  an 
empty  sack  to  stand  upright. 

These  proverbs,  which  contained  the  wisdom  of 
many  ages  and  nations,  I  assembled  and  form'd  into 
a  connected  discourse  prefix 'd  to  the  Almanack  of 
1757,  as  the  harangue  of  a  wise  old  man  to  the  peo- 

1  The  advertisement  to  the  first  number  of  this  the  most  celebrated 
of  almanacs  was  printed  in  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette  on  the  igth  of 
December,  1732.  Though  appearing  thus  late  in  the  season,  three 
editions  of  No.  i  were  sold  before  the  end  of  January.  The  advertise 
ment  ran  as  follows: 

"Just  published,  for  1733,  An  Almanack,  containing  the  Lunations, 
Eclipses,  Planets'  Motions  and  Aspects,  Weather,  Sun  and  Moon's 
Rising  and  Setting,  High  Water,  etc.;  besides  many  pleasant  and 
witty  Verses,  Jests,  and  Sayings;  Author's  Motive  of  Writing;  Predic 
tion  of  the  Death  of  his  Friend,  Mr.  Titan  Leeds;  Moon  no  Cukold; 
Bachelor's  Folly;  Parson's  Wine  and  Baker's  Pudding;  Short  Visits; 
Kings  and  Bears;  New  Fashions;  Game  for  Kisses ;  Katherine's  Love; 
Different  Sentiments;  Signs  of  a  Tempest;  Death  of  a  Fisherman; 
Conjugal  Debate;  Men  and  Melons;  The  Prodigal;  Breakfast  in  Bed; 
Oyster  Lawsuit,  etc.  By  Richard  Saunders,  Philomat.  Printed  and 
Sold  by  B.  Franklin." 


2o8  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

pie  attending  an  auction.  The  bringing  all  these 
scatter 'd  counsels  thus  into  a  focus  enabled  them 
to  make  greater  impression.  The  piece,  being  uni 
versally  approved,  was  copied  in  all  the  newspapers 
of  the  Continent;  reprinted  in  Britain  on  a  broad 
side,  to  be  stuck  up  in  houses ;  two  translations  were 
made  of  it  in  French,  and  great  numbers  bought  by 
the  clergy  and  gentry,  to  distribute  gratis  among 
their  poor  parishioners  and  tenants.  In  Pennsyl 
vania,  as  it  discouraged  useless  expense  in  foreign 
superfluities,  some  thought  it  had  its  share  of  in 
fluence  in  producing  that  growing  plenty  of  money 
which  was  observable  for  several  years  after  its  publi 
cation. 

I  considered  my  newspaper,  also,  as  another  means 
of  communicating  instruction,  and  in  that  view  fre 
quently  reprinted  in  it  extracts  from  the  Spectator, 
and  other  moral  writers;  and  sometimes  publish 'd 
little  pieces  of  my  own,  which  had  been  first  com 
pos 'd  for  reading  in  our  Junto.  Of  these  are  a  So- 
cratic  dialogue,  tending  to  prove  that,  whatever 
•might  be  his  parts  and  abilities,  a  vicious  man  could 
dot  properly  be  called  a  man  of  sense;  and  a  dis 
course  on  self-denial,  showing  that  virtue  was  not 
jecure  till  its  practice  became  a  habitude,  and  was 
free  from  the  opposition  of  contrary  inclinations. 
These  may  be  found  in  the  papers  about  the  begin 
ning  of  1735. 

In  the  conduct  of  my  newspaper,  I  carefully  ex 
cluded  all  libelling  and  personal  abuse  which  is  of 
late  years  become  so  disgraceful  to  our  country. 
Whenever  I  was  solicited  to  insert  any  thing  of  that 


Benjamin  Franklin  209 

kind,  and  the  writers  pleaded,  as  they  generally  did, 
the  liberty  of  the  press,  and  that  a  newspaper  was 
like  a  stage-coach  in  which  any  one  who  would  pay 
had  a  right  to  a  place,  my  answer  was,  that  I  would 
print  the  piece  separately  if  desired  and  the  author 
might  have  as  many  copies  as  he  pleased  to  distribute 
himself,  but  that  I  would  not  take  upon  me  to  spread 
his  detraction ;  and  that,  having  contracted  with  my 
subscribers  to  furnish  them  with  what  might  be  either 
useful  or  entertaining,  I  could  not  fill  their  papers 
with  private  altercation,  in  which  they  had  no  con 
cern,  without  doing  them  manifest  injustice.  Now, 
many  of  our  printers  make  no  scruple  of  gratifying 
the  malice  of  individuals  by  false  accusations  of  the 
fairest  characters  among  ourselves,  augmenting  ani 
mosity  even  to  the  producing  of  duels;  and  are, 
moreover,  so  indiscreet  as  to  print  scurrilous  reflec 
tions  on  the  government  of  neighboring  states,  and 
even  on  the  conduct  of  our  best  national  allies,  which 
may  be  attended  with  the  most  pernicious  conse 
quences.  These  things  I  mention  as  a  caution  to 
young  printers,  and  that  they  may  be  encouraged  not 
to  pollute  their  presses  and  disgrace  their  profession 
by  such  infamous  practices,  but  refuse  steadily,  as 
they  may  see  by  my  example  that  such  a  course  of 
conduct  will  not,  on  the  whole,  be  injurious  to  their 
interests. 

In  1733  I  sent  one  of  my  journeymen  to  Charles 
ton,  South  Carolina,  where  a  printer  was  wanting.  I 
furnish 'd  him  with  a  press  and  letters,  on  an  agree 
ment  of  partnership,  by  which  I  was  to  receive  one- 
third  of  the  profits  of  the  business,  paying  one- third 


VOL.  I. — 14- 


210  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

of  the  expense.  He  was  a  man  of  learning,  and  hon 
est  but  ignorant  in  matters  of  account;  and,  tho'  he 
sometimes  made  me  remittances,  I  could  get  no  ac 
count  from  him,  nor  any  satisfactory  state  of  our 
partnership  while  he  lived.  On  his  decease,  the  busi 
ness  was  continued  by  his  widow,  who,  being  born 
and  bred  in  Holland,  where,  as  I  have  been  inform 'd, 
the  knowledge  of  accounts  makes  a  part  of  female 
education,  she  not  only  sent  me  as  clear  a  state  as  she 
could  find  of  the  transactions  past,  but  continued  to 
account  with  the  greatest  regularity  and  exactness 
every  quarter  afterwards,  and  managed  the  business 
with  such  success  that  she  not  only  brought  up  re 
putably  a  family  of  children,  but,  at  the  expiration  of 
the  term  was  able  to  purchase  of  me  the  printing- 
house,  and  establish  her  son  in  it. 

I  mention  this  affair  chiefly  for  the  sake  of  recom 
mending  that  branch  of  education  for  our  young  fe 
males,  as  likely  to  be  of  more  use  to  them  and  their 
children,  in  case  of  widowhood,  than  either  music  or 
dancing,  by  preserving  them  from  losses  by  imposi 
tion  of  crafty  men  and  enabling  them  to  continue, 
perhaps,  a  profitable  mercantile  house,  with  estab 
lish 'd  correspondence  till  a  son  is  grown  up  fit  to 
undertake  and  go  on  with  it,  to  the  lasting  advantage 
and  enriching  of  the  family. 

About  the  year  1734  there  arrived  among  us  from 
Ireland  a  young  Presbyterian  preacher,  named  Hem- 
phill,  who  delivered  with  a  good  voice,  and  appar 
ently  extempore,  most  excellent  discourses,  which 
drew  together  considerable  numbers  of  different  per 
suasions,  who  join'd  in  admiring  them.  Among  the 


i73I~I7S7l  Benjamin  Franklin  211 

rest,  I  became  one  of  his  constant  hearers,  his  sermons 
pleasing  me,  as  they  had  little  of  the  dogmatical 
kind,  but  inculcated  strongly  the  practice  of  virtue 
or  what  in  the  religious  stile  are  called  good  works. 
Those,  however,  of  our  congregation  who  considered 
themselves  as  orthodox  Presbyterians  disapprov'd 
his  doctrine  and  were  join'd  by  most  of  the  old  clergy 
who  arraign 'd  him  of  heterodoxy  before  the  synod  in 
order  to  have  him  silenc'd.  I  became  his  zealous 
partisan  and  contributed  all  I  could  to  raise  a  party 
in  his  favour,  and  we  combated  for  him  a  while  with 
some  hopes  of  success.  There  was  much  scribbling 
pro  and  con  upon  the  occasion ;  and  finding  that,  tho' 
an  elegant  preacher,  he  was  but  a  poor  writer,  I  lent 
him  my  pen  and  wrote  for  him  two  or  three  pam 
phlets,  and  one  piece  in  the  Gazette  of  April,  1735. 
Those  pamphlets,  as  is  generally  the  case  with  con 
troversial  writings,  tho'  eagerly  read  at  the  time,  were 
soon  out  of  vogue,  and  I  question  whether  a  single 
copy  of  them  now  exists. 

During  the  contest  an  unlucky  occurrence  hurt  his 
cause  exceedingly.  One  of  our  adversaries  having 
heard  him  preach  a  sermon  that  was  much  admired 
thought  he  had  somewhere  read  the  sermon  before, 
or  at  least  a  part  of  it.  On  search,  he  found  that  part 
quoted  at  length,  in  one  of  the  British  Reviews,  from 
a  discourse  of  Dr.  Foster's.  This  detection  gave 
many  of  our  party  disgust,  who  accordingly  aban 
doned  his  cause,  and  occasion 'd  our  more  speedy 
discomfiture  in  the  synod.  I  stuck  by  him,  how 
ever,  as  I  rather  appro v'd  his  giving  us  good  ser 
mons  composed  by  others  than  bad  ones  of  his  own 


212  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

manufacture,  tho'  the  latter  was  the  practice  of  our 
common  teachers.  He  afterward  acknowledg'd  to  me 
that  none  of  those  he  preach 'd  were  his  own ;  adding, 
that  his  memory  was  such  as  enabled  him  to  retain 
and  repeat  any  sermon  after  one  reading  only.  On 
our  defeat,  he  left  us  in  search  elsewhere  of  better 
fortune  and  I  quitted  the  congregation,  never  joining 
it  after  tho'  I  continu'd  many  years  my  subscription 
for  the  support  of  its  ministers. 

I  had  begun  in  1732  to  study  languages;  I  soon 
made  myself  so  much  a  master  of  the  French  as  to 
be  able  to  read  the  books  with  ease.  I  then  under 
took  the  Italian.  An  acquaintance,  who  was  also 
learning  it,  us'd  often  to  tempt  me  to  play  chess  with 
him.  Finding  this  took  up  too  much  of  the  time  I 
had  to  spare  for  study,  I  at  length  refus'd  to  play 
any  more  unless  on  this  condition,  that  the  victor 
in  every  game  should  have  a  right  to  impose  a  task, 
either  in  parts  of  the  grammar  to  be  got  by  heart, 
or  in  translations,  etc.,  which  tasks  the  vanquish 'd 
was  to  perform  upon  honour,  before  our  next  meet 
ing.  As  we  play'd  pretty  equally,  we  thus  beat  one 
another  into  that  language.  I  afterwards,  with  a 
little  painstaking,  acquir'd  as  much  of  the  Spanish 
as  to  read  their  books  also. 

I  have  already  mention 'd  that  I  had  only  one 
year's  instruction  in  a  Latin  school,  and  that  when 
very  young  after  which  I  neglected  that  language 
entirely.  But,  when  I  had  attained  an  acquaintance 
with  the  French,  Italian,  and  Spanish,  I  was  sur- 
pris'd  to  find,  on  looking  over  a  Latin  Testament, 
that  I  understood  so  much  more  of  that  language 


I73I~I757l  Benjamin  Franklin  213 

than  I  had  imagined,  which  encouraged  me  to  apply 
myself  again  to  the  study  of  it,  and  I  met  with  more 
success,  as  those  preceding  languages  had  greatly 
smooth 'd  my  way. 

From  these  circumstances,  I  have  thought  that 
there  is  some  inconsistency  in  our  common  mode  of 
teaching  languages.  We  are  told  that  it  is  proper 
to  begin  first  with  the  Latin,  and,  having  acquir'd 
that,  it  will  be  more  easy  to  attain  those  modern 
languages  which  are  deriv'd  from  it;  and  yet  we  do 
not  begin  with  the  Greek,  in  order  more  easily  to 
acquire  the  Latin.  It  is  true  that,  if  you  can  clamber 
and  get  to  the  top  of  the  staircase  without  using  the 
steps,  you  will  more  easily  gain  them  in  descending; 
but  certainly,  if  you  begin  with  the  lowest  you  will 
with  more  ease  ascend  to  the  top;  and  I  would 
therefore  offer  it  to  the  consideration  of  those  who 
superintend  the  education  of  our  youth,  whether, 
since  many  of  those  who  begin  with  the  Latin  quit 
the  same  after  spending  some  years  without  having 
made  any  great  proficiency,  and  what  they  have 
learnt  becomes  almost  useless,  so  that  their  time  has 
been  lost,  it  would  not  have  been  better  to  have  be 
gun  with  the  French,  proceeding  to  the  Italian,  etc. ; 
for,  tho',  after  spending  the  same  time,  they  should 
quit  the  study  of  languages  and  never  arrive  at  the 
Latin,  they  would,  however,  have  acquired  another 
tongue  or  two,  that,  being  in  modern  use,  might  be 
serviceable  to  them  in  common  life. 

After  ten  years'  absence  from  Boston,  and  having 
become  easy  in  circumstances,  I  made  a  journey 
thither  to  visit  my  relations,  which  I  could  not  sooner 


2H  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

well  afford.  In  returning,  I  call'd  at  Newport  to  see 
my  brother,  then  settled  there  with  his  printing- 
house.  Our  former  differences  were  forgotten,  and 
our  meeting  was  very  cordial  and  affectionate.  He 
was  fast  declining  in  health,  and  requested  of  me  that, 
in  case  of  his  death,  which  he  apprehended  not  far 
distant,  I  would  take  home  his  son,  then  but  ten  years 
of  age,  and  bring  him  up  to  the  printing  business. 
This  I  accordingly  perform 'd,  sending  him  a  few 
years  to  school  before  I  took  him  into  the  office.  His 
mother  carried  on  the  business  till  he  was  grown  up, 
when  I  assisted  him  with  an  assortment  of  new  types, 
those  of  his  father  being  in  a  manner  worn  out.  Thus 
it  was  that  I  made  my  brother  ample  amends  for  the 
service  I  had  depriv'd  him  of  by  leaving  him  so  early. 

In  1736  I  lost  one  of  my  sons,  a  fine  boy  of  four 
years  old,  by  the  small-pox,  taken  in  the  common 
way.  I  long  regretted  bitterly  and  still  regret  that 
I  had  not  given  it  to  him  by  inoculation.  This  I 
mention  for  the  sake  of  parents  who  omit  that  opera 
tion,  on  the  supposition  that  they  should  never  for 
give  themselves  if  a  child  died  under  it ;  my  example 
showing  that  the  regret  may  be  the  same  either  way, 
and  that,  therefore,  the  safer  should  be  chosen. 

Our  club,  the  Junto,  was  found  so  useful  and  af 
forded  such  satisfaction  to  the  members  that  several 
were  desirous  of  introducing  their  friends,  which 
could  not  well  be  done  without  exceeding  what  we 
had  settled  as  a  convenient  number,  viz.,  twelve.  We 
had  from  the  beginning  made  it  a  rule  to  keep  our 
institution  a  secret,  which  was  pretty  well  observ'd; 
the  intention  was  to  avoid  applications  of  improper 


Benjamin  Franklin  215 

persons  for  admittance,  some  of  whom,  perhaps,  we 
might  find  it  difficult  to  refuse.  I  was  one  of  those 
who  were  against  any  addition  to  our  number,  but, 
instead  of  it,  made  in  writing  a  proposal  that  every 
member  separately  should  endeavor  to  form  a  sub 
ordinate  club,  with  the  same  rules  respecting  queries, 
etc.,  and  without  informing  them  of  the  connection 
with  the  Junto.  The  advantages  proposed  were,  the 
improvement  of  so  many  more  young  citizens  by  the 
use  of  our  institutions ;  our  better  acquaintance  with 
the  general  sentiments  of  the  inhabitants  on  any  oc 
casion,  as  the  Junto  member  might  propose  what 
queries  we  should  desire  and  was  to  report  to  the 
Junto  what  pass'd  in  his  separate  club;  the  pro 
motion  of  our  particular  interests  in  business  by  more 
extensive  recommendation  and  the  increase  of  our 
influence  in  public  affairs,  and  our  power  of  doing 
good  by  spreading  thro'  the  several  clubs  the  senti 
ments  of  the  Junto. 

The  project  was  approv'd  and  every  member  un 
dertook  to  form  his  club,  but  they  did  not  all  succeed. 
Five  or  six  only  were  compleated  which  were  called 
by  different  names  as  the  Vine,  the  Union,  the  Band, 
etc.  They  were  useful  to  themselves,  and  afforded 
us  a  good  deal  of  amusement,  information,  and  in 
struction  besides  answering,  in  some  considerable 
degree,  our  views  of  influencing  the  public  opinion 
on  particular  occasions,  of  which  I  shall  give  some 
instances  in  course  of  time  as  they  happened. 

My  first  promotion  was  my  being  chosen,  in  1736, 
clerk  of  the  General  Assembly.  The  choice  was  made 
that  year  without  opposition ;  but  the  year  following, 


2i6  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

when  I  was  again  propos'd  (the  choice,  like  that  of 
the  members,  being  annual),  a  new  member  made  a 
long  speech  against  me  in  order  to  favour  some  other 
candidate.  I  was,  however,  chosen,  which  was  the 
more  agreeable  to  me  as,  besides  the  pay  for  the  im 
mediate  service  as  clerk,  the  place  gave  me  a  better 
opportunity  of  keeping  up  an  interest  among  the 
;  members,  which  secur'd  to  me  the  business  of  print 
ing  the  votes,  laws,  paper  money  and  other  occasional 
jobbs  for  the  public  that,  on  the  whole  were  very 
profitable. 

I  therefore  did  not  like  the  opposition  of  this  new 
member  who  was  a  gentleman  of  fortune  and  educa 
tion,  with  talents  that  were  likely  to  give  him,  in 
time,  great  influence  in  the  House  which,  indeed, 
afterwards  happened.  I  did  not,  however,  aim  at 
gaining  his  favour  by  paying  any  servile  respect  to 
him  but,  after  some  time,  took  this  other  method. 
Having  heard  that  he  had  in  his  library  a  certain 
very  scarce  and  curious  book  I  wrote  a  note  to  him 
expressing  my  desire  of  perusing  that  book  and  re 
questing  he  would  do  me  the  favour  of  lending  it  to 
me  for  a  few  days.  He  sent  it  immediately  and  I 
returned  it  in  about  a  week  with  another  note  ex 
pressing  strongly  my  sense  of  the  favour.  When  we 
next  met  in  the  House  he  spoke  to  me  (which  he  had 
never  done  before),  and  with  great  civility;  and  he 
ever  after  manifested  a  readiness  to  serve  me  on  all 
occasions,  so  that  we  became  great  friends  and  our 
friendship  continued  to  his  death.  This  is  another 
instance  of  the  truth  of  an  old  maxim  I  had  learned, 
which  says,  "  He  that  has  once  done  you  a  kindness 


I73I~I757l          Benjamin  Franklin  217 

will  be  more  ready  to  do  you  another  than  he  whom 
yon  yourself  have  obliged. ' '  And  it  shows  how  much 
more  profitable  it  is  prudently  to  remove,  than  to 
resent,  return,  and  continue  inimical  proceedings. 

In  1737,  Colonel  Spotswood,  late  governor  of  Vir 
ginia  and  then  postmaster-general,  being  dissatisfied 
with  the  conduct  of  his  deputy  at  Philadelphia 
respecting  some  negligence  in  rendering,  and  inexacti 
tude  of  his  accounts,  took  from  him  the  commission 
and  offered  it  to  me.  I  accepted  it  readily  and  found 
it  of  great  advantage;  for,  tho'  the  salary  was  small, 
it  facilitated  the  correspondence  that  improv'd  my 
newspaper,  increas'd  the  number  demanded,  as  well 
as  the  advertisements  to  be  inserted,  so  that  it  came 
to  afford  me  a  considerable  income.  My  old  compet 
itor's  newspaper  declin'd  proportionably,  and  I  was 
satisfy 'd  without  retaliating  his  refusal  while  post 
master,  to  permit  my  papers  being  carried  by  the 
riders.  Thus  he  suffer 'd  greatly  from  his  neglect  in 
due  accounting :  and  I  mention  it  as  a  lesson  to  those 
young  men  who  may  be  employed  in  managing  affairs 
for  others,  that  they  should  always  render  accounts 
and  make  remittances  with  great  clearness  and  punc 
tuality.  The  character  of  observing  such  a  conduct 
is  the  most  powerful  of  all  recommendations  to  new 
employments  and  increase  of  business. 

I  began  now  to  turn  my  thoughts  a  little  to  public 
affairs,  beginning,  however,  with  small  matters.  The 
city  watch  was  one  of  the  first  things  that  I  conceiv'd 
to  want  regulation.  It  was  managed  by  the  consta 
bles  of  the  respective  wards  in  turn;  the  constable 
warned  a  number  of  housekeepers  to  attend  him  for 


218  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

the  night.  Those  who  chose  never  to  attend,  paid 
him  six  shillings  a  year  to  be  excus'd,  which  was  sup- 
pos'd  to  be  for  hiring  substitutes  but  was,  in  reality, 
much  more  than  was  necessary  for  that  purpose  and 
made  the  constableship  a  place  of  profit;  and  the 
constable,  for  a  little  drink,  often  got  such  ragamuf 
fins  about  him  as  a  watch,  that  respectable  house 
keepers  did  not  choose  to  mix  with.  Walking  the 
rounds,  too,  was  often  neglected  and  most  of  the 
nights  spent  in  tippling.  I  thereupon  wrote  a  paper 
to  be  read  in  Junto,  representing  these  irregularities, 
but  insisting  more  particularly  on  the  inequality  of 
this  six-shilling  tax  of  the  constables,  respecting  the 
circumstances  of  those  who  paid  it,  since  a  poor 
widow  housekeeper,  all  whose  property  to  be  guarded 
by  the  watch  did  not  perhaps  exceed  the  value  of 
fifty  pounds,  paid  as  much  as  the  wealthiest  merchant 
who  had  thousands  of  pounds'  worth  of  goods  in  his 
stores. 

On  the  whole,  I  proposed  as  a  more  effectual  watch, 
the  hiring  of  proper  men  to  serve  constantly  in  that 
business ;  and  as  a  more  equitable  way  of  supporting 
the  charge,  the  levying  a  tax  that  should  be  propor 
tion  'd  to  the  property.  This  idea,  being  approv'd  by 
the  Junto,  was  communicated  to  the  other  clubs,  but 
as  arising  in  each  of  them ;  and  though  the  plan  was 
not  immediately  carried  into  execution,  yet,  by  pre 
paring  the  minds  of  people  for  the  change,  it  paved 
the  way  for  the  law  obtained  a  few  years  after  when 
the  members  of  our  clubs  were  grown  into  more 
influence. 

About  this  time  I  wrote  a  paper  (first  to  be  read  in 


I73I~I7S7]          Benjamin  Franklin  219 

Junto  but  it  was  afterward  publish 'd)  on  the  differ 
ent  accidents  and  carelessnesses  by  which  houses  were 
set  on  fire,  with  cautions  against  them,  and  means 
proposed  of  avoiding  them.  This  was  much  spoken 
of  as  a  useful  piece  and  gave  rise  to  a  project  which 
soon  followed  it,  of  forming  a  company  for  the  more 
ready  extinguishing  of  fires  and  mutual  assistance 
in  removing  and  securing  of  goods  when  in  danger. 
Associates  in  this  scheme  were  presently  found, 
amounting  to  thirty.  Our  articles  of  agreement 
oblig'd  every  member  to  keep  always  in  good  order 
and  fit  for  use,  a  certain  number  of  leather  buckets 
with  strong  bags  and  baskets  (for  packing  and  trans 
porting  of  goods) ,  which  were  to  be  brought  to  every 
fire ;  and  we  agreed  to  meet  once  a  month  and  spend 
a  social  evening  together,  in  discoursing  and  com 
municating  such  ideas  as  occurred  to  us  upon  the  sub 
ject  of  fires  as  might  be  useful  in  our  conduct  on 
such  occasions. 

The  utility  of  this  institution  soon  appeared,  and 
many  more  desiring  to  be  admitted  than  we  thought 
convenient  for  one  company,  they  were  advised  to 
form  another,  which  was  accordingly  done ;  and  this 
went  on,  one  new  company  being  formed  after  an 
other  till  they  became  so  numerous  as  to  include 
most  of  the  inhabitants  who  were  men  of  property; 
and  now,  at  the  time  of  my  writing  this,  tho'  upward 
of  fifty  years  since  its  establishment,  that  which  I 
first  formed,  called  the  Union  Fire  Company,  still 
subsists  and  flourishes,  tho'  the  first  members  are  all 
deceas'd  but  myself  and  one,  who  is  older  by  a  year 
than  I  am.  The  small  fines  that  have  been  paid  by 


220  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

members  for  absence  at  the  monthly  meetings  have 
been  apply 'd  to  the  purchase  of  fire-engines,  ladders, 
fire-hooks,  and  other  useful  implements  for  each 
company,  so  that  I  question  whether  there  is  a  city 
in  the  world  better  provided  with  the  means  of 
putting  a  stop  to  beginning  conflagrations;  and,  in 
fact,  since  these  institutions,  the  city  has  never  lost 
by  fire  more  than  one  or  two  houses  at  a  time  and 
the  flames  have  often  been  extinguished  before  the 
house  in  which  they  began  has  been  half  consumed.1 
In  1739  arrived  among  us  from  Ireland  the  Rever 
end  Mr.  Whitefield,  who  had  made  himself  remark 
able  there  as  an  itinerant  preacher.  He  was  at  first 
permitted  to  preach  in  some  of  our  churches ;  but  the 
clergy,  taking  a  dislike  to  him,  soon  refus'd  him  their 
pulpits,  and  he  was  obliged  to  preach  in  the  fields. 
The  multitudes  of  all  sects  and  denominations  that 
attended  his  sermons  were  enormous,  and  it  was  mat 
ter  of  speculation  to  me,  who  was  one  of  the  number, 
to  observe  the  extraordinary  influence  of  his  oratory 
on  his  hearers  and  how  much  they  admir'd  and  re 
spected  him,  notwithstanding  his  common  abuse  of 
them  by  assuring  them  they  were  naturally  half 
beasts  and  half  devils.  It  was  wonderful  to  see  the 
change  soon  made  in  the  manners  of  our  inhabitants. 
From  being  thoughtless  or  indifferent  about  religion, 

1  This  fire  company  was  formed  Dec.  7,  1736.  It  was  designed 
primarily  for  the  security  of  the  property  of  its  members,  though  they 
did  not  limit  their  usefulness  to  their  own  members  when  their  pro 
perty  was  not  in  danger.  The  Union  Fire  Company  was  in  active  serv 
ice  as  late  as  1791.  In  a  roll  of  the  companies  of  that  day  we  find 
it  heading  the  list,  having  thirty  members,  one  engine,  two  hundred 
and  fifty  buckets,  thirteen  ladders,  two  hooks,  no  bags,  and  one  eighty- 
toot  rope. 


Benjamin  Franklin  221 

it  seem'd  as  if  all  the  world  were  growing  religious, 
so  that  one  could  not  walk  thro'  the  town  in  an  even 
ing  without  hearing  psalms  sung  in  different  families 
of  every  street. 

And  it  being  found  inconvenient  to  assemble  in 
the  open  air,  subject  to  its  inclemencies,  the  build 
ing  of  a  house  to  meet  in  was  no  sooner  propos'd, 
and  persons  appointed  to  receive  contributions,  but 
sufficient  sums  were  soon  receiv'd  to  procure  the 
ground  and  erect  the  building,  which  was  one  hun 
dred  feet  long  and  seventy  broad,  about  the  size 
of  Westminster  Hall ;  and  the  work  was  carried  on 
with  such  spirit  as  to  be  finished  in  a  much  shorter 
time  than  could  have  been  expected.  Both  house 
and  ground  were  vested  in  trustees  expressly  for 
the  use  of  any  preacher  of  any  religious  persuasion 
who  might  desire  to  say  something  to  the  people  at 
Philadelphia;  the  design  in  building  not  being  to 
accommodate  any  particular  sect,  but  the  inhab 
itants  in  general;  so  that  even  if  the  Mufti  of  Con 
stantinople  were  to  send  a  missionary  to  preach 
Mohammedanism  to  us,  he  would  find  a  pulpit  at 
his  service. 

Mr.  Whitefield  in  leaving  us,  went  preaching  all 
the  way  thro'  the  colonies,  to  Georgia.  The  settle 
ment  of  that  province  had  lately  been  begun  but, 
instead  of  being  made  with  hardy,  industrious  hus 
bandmen,  accustomed  to  labor,  the  only  people  fit 
for  such  an  enterprise,  it  was  with  families  of  broken 
shop-keepers  and  other  insolvent  debtors,  many  of 
indolent  and  idle  habits,  taken  out  of  the  jails,  who, 
being  set  down  in  the  woods,  unqualified  for  clearing 


222  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

land,  and  unable  to  endure  the  hardships  of  a  new 
settlement,  perished  in  numbers  leaving  many  help 
less  children  unprovided  for.  The  sight  of  their 
miserable  situation  inspir'd  the  benevolent  heart  of 
Mr.  Whitefield  with  the  idea  of  building  an  Orphan 
House  there,  in  which  they  might  be  supported  and 
educated.  Returning  northward,  he  preach 'd  up 
this  charity  and  made  large  collections,  for  his 
eloquence  had  a  wonderful  power  over  the  hearts 
and  purses  of  his  hearers  of  which  I  myself  was  an 
instance. 

I  did  not  disapprove  of  the  design,  but  as  Georgia 
was  then  destitute  of  materials  and  workmen  and  it 
was  proposed  to  send  them  from  Philadelphia  at  a 
great  expense,  I  thought  it  would  have  been  better 
to  have  built  the  house  here  and  brought  the  children 
to  it.  This  I  ad  vis 'd;  but  he  was  resolute  in  his  first 
project,  rejected  my  counsel  and  I  therefore  refus'd 
to  contribute.  I  happened  soon  after  to  attend  one 
of  his  sermons  in  the  course  of  which  I  perceived  he 
intended  to  finish  with  a  collection,  and  I  silently 
resolved  he  should  get  nothing  from  me.  I  had  in 
my  pocket  a  handful  of  copper  money,  three  or  four 
silver  dollars,  and  five  pistoles  in  gold.  As  he  pro 
ceeded  I  began  to  soften  and  concluded  to  give  the 
coppers.  Another  stroke  of  his  oratory  made  me 
asham'd  of  that  and  de  terrain 'd  me  to  give  the  silver; 
and  he  finish 'd  so  admirably  that  I  empty 'd  my 
pocket  wholly  into  the  collector's  dish,  gold  and  all. 
At  this  sermon  there  was  also  one  of  our  club  who, 
being  of  my  sentiments  respecting  the  building  in 
Georgia  and  suspecting  a  collection  might  be  in- 


1731-1757]          Benjamin  Franklin  223 

tended,  had,  by  precaution,  emptied  his  pockets 
before  he  came  from  home.  Towards  the  conclu 
sion  of  the  discourse  however,  he  felt  a  strong  desire 
to  give  and  apply 'd  to  a  neighbour  who  stood  near 
him  to  borrow  some  money  for  the  purpose.  The 
application  was  unfortunately  [made]  to  perhaps  the 
only  man  in  the  company  who  had  the  firmness  not 
to  be  affected  by  the  preacher.  His  answer  was: 
"At  any  other  time,  Friend  Hopkinson,  I  would  lend  \ 
to  thee  freely;  but  not  now,  for  thee  seems  to  be  out  of 
thy  right  senses." 

Some  of  Mr.  Whitefield's  enemies  affected  to  sup 
pose  that  he  would  apply  these  collections  to  his  own 
private  emolument;  but  I,  who  was  intimately  ac 
quainted  with  him  (being  employed  in  printing  his 
Sermons  and  Journals,  etc.),  never  had  the  least  sus 
picion  of  his  integrity  but  am  to  this  day  decidedly 
of  opinion  that  he  was  in  all  his  conduct  a  perfectly 
honest  man;  and  me  thinks  my  testimony  in  his  favor 
ought  to  have  the  more  weight  as  we  had  no  religious 
connection.  He  us'd,  indeed,  sometimes  to  pray  for 
my  conversion  but  never  had  the  satisfaction  of  be 
lieving  that  his  prayers  were  heard.  Ours  was  a 
mere  civil  friendship,  sincere  on  both  sides,  and 
lasted  to  his  death. 

The  following  instance  will  show  something  of  the 
terms  on  which  we  stood.  Upon  one  of  his  arrivals 
from  England  at  Boston,  he  wrote  to  me  that  he 
should  come  soon  to  Philadelphia  but  knew  not 
where  he  could  lodge  when  there  as  he  understood 
his  old  friend  and  host,  Mr.  Benezet,  was  removed 
to  Germantown.  My  answer  was:  "  You  know  my 


224  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

house ;  if  you  can  make  shift  with  its  scanty  accom 
modations,  you  will  be  most  heartily  welcome."  He 
reply 'd,  that  if  I  made  that  kind  offer  for  Christ's 
sake,  I  should  not  miss  of  a  reward.  And  I  returned : 
"Don't  let  me  be  mistaken;  it  was  not  for  Christ's 
sake,  but  for  your  sake."  One  of  our  common  ac 
quaintance  jocosely  remark 'd  that,  knowing  it  to  be 
the  custom  of  the  saints  when  they  received  any  fa 
vour,  to  shift  the  burden  of  the  obligation  from  off 
their  own  shoulders  and  place  it  in  heaven,  I  had 
contriv'd  to  fix  it  on  earth. 

The  last  time  I  saw  Mr.  Whitefield  was  in  London, 
when  he  consulted  me  about  his  Orphan  House  con 
cern  and  his  purpose  of  appropriating  it  to  the  estab 
lishment  of  a  college. 

He  had  a  loud  and  clear  voice  and  articulated  his 
words  and  sentences  so  perfectly  that  he  might  be 
heard  and  understood  at  a  great  distance,  especially 
as  his  auditories,  however  numerous,  observ'd  the 
most  exact  silence.  He  preach 'd  one  evening  from 
the  top  of  the  Court-house  steps,  which  are  in  the 
middle  of  Market-street  and  on  the  west  side  of 
Second-street  which  crosses  it  at  right  angles.  Both 
streets  were  fill'd  with  his  hearers  to  a  considerable 
distance.  Being  among  the  hindmost  in  Market- 
street,  I  had  the  curiosity  to  learn  how  far  he  could 
be  heard,  by  retiring  backwards  down  the  street 
towards  the  river ;  and  I  found  his  voice  distinct  till 
I  came  near  Front-street  when  some  noise  in  that 
street  obscur'd  it.  Imagining  then  a  semicircle,  of 
which  my  distance  should  be  the  radius  and  that  it 
were  fill'd  with  auditors,  to  each  of  whom  I  allow 'd 


i73I~I757]  Benjamin  Franklin  225 

two  square  feet,  I  computed  that  he  might  well  be 
heard  by  more  than  thirty  thousand.  This  recon- 
cil'd  me  to  the  newspaper  accounts  of  his  having 
preach 'd  to  twenty-five  thousand  people  in  the  fields 
and  to  the  antient  histories  of  generals  haranguing 
whole  armies,  of  which  I  had  some  times  doubted. 

By  hearing  him  often,  I  came  to  distinguish  easily 
between  sermons  newly  compos 'd,  and  those  which 
he  had  often  preach 'd  in  the  course  of  his  travels. 
His  delivery  of  the  latter  was  so  improv'd  by  fre 
quent  repetitions  that  every  accent,  every  emphasis, 
every  modulation  of  voice,  was  so  perfectly  well 
turn'd  and  well  plac'd  that  without  being  interested 
in  the  subject  one  could  not  help  being  pleas 'd  with 
the  discourse;  a  pleasure  of  much  the  same  kind 
with  that  received  from  an  excellent  piece  of  musick. 
This  is  an  advantage  itinerant  preachers  have  over 
those  who  are  stationary  as  the  latter  cannot  well 
improve  their  delivery  of  a  sermon  by  so  many  re 
hearsals. 

His  writing  and  printing  from  time  to  time  gave 
great  advantage  to  his  enemies;  unguarded  expres 
sions,  and  even  erroneous  opinions,  delivered  in 
preaching,  might  have  been  afterwards  explain 'd  or 
qualifi'd  by  supposing  others  that  might  have  accom- 
pani'd  them,  or  they  might  have  been  deny'd;  but 
liter  a  scripta  manet.  Critics  attack 'd  his  writings 
violently,  and  with  so  much  appearance  of  reason  as 
to  diminish  the  number  of  his  votaries  and  prevent 
their  encrease;  so  that  I  am  of  opinion  if  he  had 
never  written  any  thing  he  would  have  left  behind 
him  a  much  more  numerous  and  important  sect  and 


VOL.  I.— 15. 


226  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

his  reputation  might  in  that  case  have  been  still 
growing,  even  after  his  death,  as  there  being  nothing 
of  his  writing  on  which  to  found  a  censure  and  give 
him  a  lower  character,  his  proselytes  would  be  left  at 
liberty  to  feign  for  him  as  great  a  variety  of  excel 
lences  as  their  enthusiastic  admiration  might  wish 
him  to  have  possessed. 

My  business  was  now  continually  augmenting  and 
my  circumstances  growing  daily  easier,  my  news 
paper  having  become  very  profitable,  as  being  for  a 
time  almost  the  only  one  in  this  and  the  neighbouring 
provinces.  I  experienced,  too,  the  truth  of  this  ob 
servation:  "  that  after  getting  the  first  hundred  pound, 
it  is  more  easy  to  get  the  second,"  money  itself  being  of 
a  prolific  nature. 

The  partnership  at  Carolina  having  succeeded,  I 
was  encourag'd  to  engage  in  others  and  to  promote 
several  of  my  workmen  who  had  behaved  well,  by 
establishing  them  with  printing-houses  in  different 
colonies  on  the  same  terms  with  that  in  Carolina. 
Most  of  them  did  well,  being  enabled  at  the  end  of 
our  term,  six  years,  to  purchase  the  types  of  me  and 
go  on  working  for  themselves,  by  which  means  sev 
eral  families  were  raised.  Partnerships  often  finish 
in  quarrels  but  I  was  happy  in  this,  that  mine  were 
all  carried  on  and  ended  amicably,  owing,  I  think,  a 
good  deal  to  the  precaution  of  having  very  explicitly 
settled,  in  our  articles,  every  thing  to  be  done  by  or 
expected  from  each  partner  so  that  there  was  nothing 
to  dispute,  which  precaution  I  would  therefore  re 
commend  to  all  who  enter  into  partnerships;  for, 
whatever  esteem  partners  may  have  for,  and  confi- 


I73I~I757]  Benjamin  Franklin  227 

dence  in,  each  other  at  the  time  of  the  contract,  little 
jealousies  and  disgusts  may  arise  with  ideas  of  in 
equality  in  the  care  and  burden  of  the  business,  etc., 
which  are  attended  often  with  breach  of  friendship 
and  of  the  connection,  perhaps  with  lawsuits  and 
other  disagreeable  consequences. 

I  had,  on  the  whole,  abundant  reason  to  be  satis 
fied  with  my  being  established  in  Pennsylvania. 
There  were,  however,  two  things  that  I  regretted, 
there  being  no  provision  for  defense,  nor  for  a  com- 
pleat  education  of  youth ;  no  militia,  nor  any  college. 
I  therefore,  in  1743,  drew  up  a  proposal  for  establish 
ing  an  academy,  and  at  that  time,  thinking  the  Rev 
erend  Mr.  Peters  who  was  out  of  employ,  a  fit  person 
to  superintend  such  an  institution,  I  communicated 
the  project  to  him;  but  he,  having  more  profitable 
views  in  the  service  of  the  proprietaries,  which  suc 
ceeded,  declin'd  the  undertaking  and,  not  knowing 
another  at  that  time  suitable  for  such  a  trust  I  let  the 
scheme  lie  a  while  dormant.  I  succeeded  better  the 
next  year,  1 744,  in  proposing  and  establishing  a  Philo 
sophical  Society.  The  paper  I  wrote  for  that  purpose 
will  be  found  among  my  writings,  when  collected.1 

1  See  infra,  i4th  of  May,  1743:  "A  Proposal  for  Promoting  Useful 
knowledge  among  the  British  Plantations  in  America." 

Though  the  American  Philosophical  Society  was  not,  strictly  speak 
ing,  the  organic  continuation  of  the  Junto,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
the  plan  of  establishing  it  had  been  often  brought  before  the  Junto 
for  consideration,  for  we  know  that  it  was  the  practice  of  Franklin, 
when  he  had  new  projects  to  propose,  to  have  them  first  discussed  in 
the  Club.  But  a  stronger  evidence  still  of  the  part  which  they  took  in 
forming  the  new  institution  is  presented  by  the  fact  that  of  the  nine 
original  members  of  the  Philosophical  Society,  six,  including  the  three 
officers,  are  known  to  have  belonged  to  the  Junto, — namely,  Franklin, 
Hopkinson,  Coleman,  Godfrey,  Rhoads,  and  Parsons. — ED. 


228  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

With  respect  to  defense,  Spain  having  been  several 
years  at  war  against  Great  Britain  and  being  at 
length  join'd  by  France,  which  brought  us  into  great 
danger  and  the  laboured  and  long-continued  en 
deavour  of  our  governor,  Thomas,  to  prevail  with  our 
Quaker  Assembly  to  pass  a  militia  law  and  make 
other  provisions  for  the  security  of  the  province, 
having  proved  abortive,  I  determined  to  try  what 
might  be  done  by  a  voluntary  association  of  the 
people.  To  promote  this,  I  first  wrote  and  published 
a  pamphlet,  entitled  PLAIN  TRUTH  in  which  I  stated 
our  defenceless  situation  in  strong  lights,  with  the 
necessity  of  union  and  discipline  for  our  defense  and 
promis'd  to  propose  in  a  few  days  an  association,  to 
be  generally  signed  for  that  purpose.  The  pam 
phlet  had  a  sudden  and  surprising  effect.  I  was 
call'd  upon  for  the  instrument  of  association  and 
having  settled  the  draft  of  it  with  a  few  friends,  I 
appointed  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  in  the  large  build 
ing  before  mentioned.  The  house  was  pretty  full; 
I  had  prepared  a  number  of  printed  copies,  and  pro 
vided  pens  and  ink  dispers'd  all  over  the  room.  I 
harangued  them  a  little  on  the  subject,  read  the 
paper,  and  explained  it,  and  then  distributed  the 
copies  which  were  eagerly  signed,  not  the  least  objec 
tion  being  made. 

When  the  company  separated  and  the  papers  were 
collected,  we  found  above  twelve  hundred  hands; 
and  other  copies  being  dispersed  in  the  country,  the 
subscribers  amounted  at  length  to  upward  of  ten 
thousand.  These  all  furnished  themselves  as  soon 
as  they  could  with  arms,  formed  themselves  into 


I73I~I757]  Benjamin  Franklin  229 

companies  and  regiments,  chose  their  own  officers 
and  met  every  week  to  be  instructed  in  the  manual 
exercise,  and  other  parts  of  military  discipline.  The 
women,  by  subscriptions  among  themselves,  pro 
vided  silk  colors  which  they  presented  to  the  com 
panies,  painted  with  different  devices  and  mottos 
which  I  supplied. 

The  officers  of  the  companies  composing  the  Phila 
delphia  regiment  being  met,  chose  me  for  their 
colonel  but,  conceiving  myself  unfit,  I  declin'd  that 
station  and  recommended  Mr.  Lawrence,  a  fine  person, 
a  man  of  influence,  who  was  accordingly  appointed. 
I  then  propos'd  a  lottery  to  defray  the  expense  of 
building  a  battery  below  the  town  and  furnishing  it 
with  cannon.  It  filled  expeditiously,  and  the  battery 
was  soon  erected,  the  merlons  being  fram'd  of  logs 
and  fill'd  with  earth.  We  bought  some  old  cannon 
from  Boston,  but  these  not  being  sufficient  we  wrote 
to  England  for  more,  soliciting,  at  the  same  time,  our 
proprietaries  for  some  assistance,  tho'  without  much 
expectation  of  obtaining  it. 

Meanwhile,  Colonel  Lawrence,  William  Allen, 
Abram  Taylor,  Esqr.,  and  myself,  were  sent  to  New 
York  by  the  associators,  commission 'd  to  borrow 
some  cannon  of  Governor  Clinton.  He  at  first  re- 
fus'd  us  peremptorily  but  at  dinner  with  his  council 
where  there  was  great  drinking  of  Madeira  wine,  as 
the  custom  of  the  place  then  was,  he  softened  by  de 
grees,  and  said  he  would  lend  us  six.  After  a  few 
more  bumpers  he  advanc'd  to  ten;  and  at  length  he 
very  good-naturedly  conceded  eighteen.  They  were 
fine  cannon,  eighteen-pounders,  with  their  carriages 


230  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

which  we  soon  transported  and  mounted  on  our 
battery  where  the  associators  kept  a  nightly  guard 
while  the  war  lasted,  and  among  the  rest  I  regularly 
took  my  turn  of  duty  there  as  a  common  soldier. 

My  activity  in  these  operations  was  agreeable  to 
the  governor  and  council;  they  took  me  into  confi 
dence  and  I  was  consulted  by  them  in  every  measure 
wherein  their  concurrence  was  thought  useful  to  the 
association.  Calling  in  the  aid  of  religion  I  propos'd 
to  them  the  proclaiming  a  fast  to  promote  reforma 
tion,  and  implore  the  blessing  of  Heaven  on  our  under 
taking.  They  embrac'd  the  motion;  but,  as  it  was 
the  first  fast  ever  thought  of  in  the  province,  the 
secretary  had  no  precedent  from  which  to  draw  the 
proclamation.  My  education  in  New  England  where 
a  fast  is  proclaimed  every  year,  was  here  of  some  ad 
vantage;  I  drew  it  in  the  accustomed  stile;  it  was 
translated  into  German,  printed  in  both  languages, 
and  divulg'd  thro'  the  province.  This  gave  the 
clergy  of  the  different  sects  an  opportunity  of  influ 
encing  their  congregations  to  join  in  the  association 
and  it  would  probably  have  been  general  among  all 
but  Quakers  if  the  peace  had  not  soon  interven'd. 

It  was  thought  by  some  of  my  friends  that,  by  my 
activity  in  these  affairs,  I  should  offend  that  sect  and 
thereby  lose  my  interest  in  the  Assembly  of  the  pro 
vince  where  they  formed  a  great  majority.  A  young 
gentleman  who  had  likewise  some  friends  in  the 
House  and  wished  to  succeed  me  as  their  clerk,  ac 
quainted  me  that  it  was  decided  to  displace  me  at 
the  next  election  and  he,  therefore  in  good  will,  ad- 
vis 'd  me  to  resign  as  more  consistent  with  my  honour 


i73I~I757]  Benjamin  Franklin  231 

than  being  turn'd  out.  My  answer  to  him  was,  that 
I  had  read  or  heard  of  some  public  man  who  made  it 
a  rule  never  to  ask  for  an  office,  and  never  to  refuse 
one  when  offer'd  to  him.  "I  approve,"  says  I,  "of 
his  rule  and  will  practice  it  with  a  small  addition :  I 
shall  never  ask,  never  refuse,  nor  ever  resign  an  office. 
If  they  will  have  my  office  of  clerk  to  dispose  of  to 
another,  they  shall  take  it  from  me.  I  will  not,  by 
giving  it  up,  lose  my  right  of  some  time  or  other 
making  reprisals  on  my  adversaries."  I  heard  how 
ever,  no  more  of  this;  I  was  chosen  again  unani 
mously  as  usual  at  the  next  election.  Possibly,  as 
they  dislik'd  my  late  intimacy  with  the  members  of 
council,  who  had  join'd  the  governors  in  all  the  dis 
putes  about  military  preparations  with  which  the 
House  had  long  been  harass 'd,  they  might  have  been 
pleas 'd  if  I  would  voluntarily  have  left  them,  but 
they  did  not  care  to  displace  me  on  account  merely 
of  my  zeal  for  the  association,  and  they  could  not 
well  give  another  reason. 

Indeed  I  had  some  cause  to  believe  that  the  de 
fense  of  the  country  was  not  disagreeable  to  any  of 
them,  provided  they  were  not  requir'd  to  assist  in  it. 
And  I  found  that  a  much  greater  number  of  them 
than  I  could  have  imagined,  tho'  against  offensive 
war,  were  clearly  for  the  defensive.  Many  pam 
phlets  pro  and  con  were  publish 'd  on  the  subject,  and 
some  by  good  Quakers,  in  favour  of  defense,  which  I 
believe  convinc'd  most  of  their  younger  people. 

A  transaction  in  our  fire  company  gave  me  some 
insight  into  their  prevailing  sentiments.  It  had  been 
propos'd  that  we  should  encourage  the  scheme  fot 


232  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

building  a  battery  by  laying  out  the  present  stock, 
then  about  sixty  pounds,  in  tickets  of  the  lottery. 
By  our  rules,  no  money  could  be  dispos'd  of  till  the 
next  meeting  after  the  proposal.  The  company  con 
sisted  of  thirty  members,  of  which  twenty-two  were 
Quakers  and  eight  only,  of  other  persuasions.  We 
eight  punctually  attended  the  meeting;  but,  tho'  we 
thought  that  some  of  the  Quakers  would  join  us, 
we  were  by  no  means  sure  of  a  majority.  Only  one 
Quaker,  Mr.  James  Morris,  appear'd  to  oppose  the 
measure.  He  expressed  much  sorrow  that  it  had 
ever  been  propos'd,  as  he  said  Friends  were  all  against 
it,  and  it  would  create  such  discord  as  might  break 
up  the  company.  We  told  him  that  we  saw  no 
reason  for  that ;  we  were  the  minority,  and  if  Friends 
were  against  the  measure  and  outvoted  us,  we  must 
and  should,  agreeably  to  the  usage  of  all  societies, 
submit.  When  the  hour  for  business  arriv'd  it  was 
mov'd  to  put  the  vote;  he  allow 'd  we  might  then  do 
it  by  the  rules  but,  as  he  could  assure  us  that  a  num 
ber  of  members  intended  to  be  present  for  the  pur 
pose  of  opposing  it,  it  would  be  but  candid  to  allow 
a  little  time  for  their  appearing. 

While  we  were  disputing  this,  a  waiter  came  to 
tell  me  two  gentlemen  below  desir'd  to  speak  with 
me.  I  went  down  and  found  they  were  two  of  our 
Quaker  members.  They  told  me  there  were  eight 
of  them  assembled  at  a  tavern  just  by;  that  they 
were  determin'd  to  come  and  vote  with  us  if  there 
should  be  occasion,  which  they  hop'd  would  not  be  the 
case  and  desir'd  we  would  not  call  for  their  assist 
ance  if  we  could  do  without  it,  as  their  voting  for  such 


Benjamin  Franklin  233 

a  measure  might  embroil  them  with  their  elders  and 
friends.  Being  thus  secure  of  a  majority,  I  went  up 
and,  after  a  little  seeming  hesitation,  agreed  to  a 
delay  of  another  hour.  This  Mr.  Morris  allow 'd  to 
be  extreamly  fair.  Not  one  of  his  opposing  friends 
appear 'd,  at  which  he  express 'd  great  surprize  and, 
at  the  expiration  of  the  hour,  we  carry 'd  the  resolu 
tion  eight  to  one ;  and  as,  of  the  twenty- two  Quakers, 
eight  were  ready  to  vote  with  us  and  thirteen,  by 
their  absence,  manifested  that  they  were  not  inclin'd 
to  oppose  the  measure,  I  afterward  estimated  the 
proportion  of  Quakers  sincerely  against  defense  as 
one  to  twenty-one  only;  for  these  were  all  regular 
members  of  that  society  and  in  good  reputation 
among  them  and  had  due  notice  of  what  was  pro- 
pos'd  at  that  meeting. 

The  honorable  and  learned  Mr.  Logan,  who  had 
always  been  of  that  sect,  was  one  who  wrote  an  ad 
dress  to  them,  declaring  his  approbation  of  defens 
ive  war,  and  supporting  his  opinion  by  many  strong 
arguments.  He  put  into  my  hands  sixty  pounds  to 
be  laid  out  in  lottery  tickets  for  the  battery,  with 
directions  to  apply  what  prizes  might  be  drawn 
wholly  to  that  service.  He  told  me  the  following 
anecdote  of  his  old  master,  William  Penn,  respecting 
defense.  He  came  over  from  England,  when  a  young 
man,  with  that  proprietary  and  as  his  secretary.  It 
was  war-time  and  their  ship  was  chas'd  by  an  armed 
vessel,  suppos'd  to  be  an  enemy.  Their  captain  pre- 
par'd  for  defense  but  told  William  Penn,  and  his 
company  of  Quakers  that  he  did  not  expect  their 
assistance  and  they  might  retire  into  the  cabin,  which 


234  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

they  did  except  James  Logan  who  chose  to  stay  upon 
deck  and  was  quarter 'd  to  a  gun.  The  suppos'd 
enemy  prov'd  a  friend,  so  there  was  no  fighting;  but 
when  the  secretary  went  down  to  communicate  the 
intelligence,  William  Penn  rebuk'd  him  severely  for 
staying  upon  deck  and  undertaking  to  assist  in 
defending  the  vessel,  contrary  to  the  principles  of 
Friends,  especially  as  it  had  not  been  required  by  the 
captain.  This  reproof,  being  before  all  the  company 
piqu'd  the  secretary,  who  answer 'd:  "I  being  thy 
servant,  why  did  thee  not  order  me  to  come  down?  But 
thee  was  willing  enough  that  I  should  stay  and  help  to 
fight  the  ship  when  thee  thought  there  was  danger." 

My  being  many  years  in  the  Assembly,  the  ma 
jority  of  which  were  constantly  Quakers,  gave  me 
frequent  opportunities  of  seeing  the  embarrassment 
given  them  by  their  principle  against  war,  whenever 
application  was  made  to  them,  by  order  of  the  crown, 
to  grant  aids  for  military  purposes.  They  were  un 
willing  to  offend  government  on  the  one  hand,  by  a 
direct  refusal,  and  their  friends,  the  body  of  the 
Quakers,  on  the  other,  by  a  compliance  contrary  to 
their  principles ;  hence  a  variety  of  evasions  to  avoid 
complying,  and  modes  of  disguising  the  compliance 
when  it  became  unavoidable.  The  common  mode  at 
last  was  to  grant  money  under  the  phrase  of  its  be 
ing  "for  the  king's  use,"  and  never  to  inquire  how 
it  was  applied. 

But,  if  the  demand  was  not  directly  from  the 
crown  that  phrase  was  found  not  so  proper  and 
some  other  was  to  be  invented.  As,  when  powder 
was  wanting  (I  think  it  was  for  the  garrison  at 


173I~I7S7]          Benjamin  Franklin  235 

Louisburg),  and  the  government  of  New  England 
solicited  a  grant  of  some  from  Pennsylvania,  which 
was  much  urg'd  on  the  House  by  Governor  Thomas, 
they  could  not  grant  money  to  buy  powder,  because 
that  was  an  ingredient  of  war ;  but  they  voted  an  aid 
to  New  England  of  three  thousand  pounds,  to  be  put 
into  the  hands  of  the  governor,  and  appropriated  it 
for  the  purchasing  of  bread,  flour,  wheat,  or  other 
grain.  Some  of  the  council,  desirous  of  giving  the 
House  still  further  embarrassment  advis'd  the  gov 
ernor  not  to  accept  provision,  as  not  being  the  thing 
he  had  demanded;  but  he  reply 'd:  "  I  shall  take  the 
money,  for  I  understand  very  well  their  meaning; 
other  grain  is  gunpowder,"  which  he  accordingly 
bought  and  they  never  objected  to  it.1 

It  was  in  allusion  to  this  fact  that,  when  in  our  fire 
company  we  feared  the  success  of  our  proposal  in 
favour  of  the  lottery,  and  I  had  said  to  my  friend 
Mr.  Syng,  one  of  our  members:  "  If  we  fail,  let  us 
move  the  purchase  of  a  fire-engine  with  the  money ; 
the  Quakers  can  have  no  objection  to  that ;  and  then, 
if  you  nominate  me  and  I  you  as  a  committee  for  that 
purpose,  we  will  buy  a  great  gun,  which  is  certainly  a 
-fire-engine."  "  I  see,"  says  he,  "  you  have  improv'd 
by  being  so  long  in  the  Assembly;  your  equivocal 
project  would  be  just  a  match  for  their  wheat  or  other 
grain." 

These  embarrassments  that  the  Quakers  suffer 'd 
from  having  establish 'd  and  published  it  as  one  of 
their  principles  that  no  kind  of  war  was  lawful,  and 
which,  being  once  published  they  could  not  after* 

1  See  the  votes. — Marg.  note- 


236  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

wards,  however  they  might  change  their  minds,  easily 
get  rid  of,  reminds  me  of  what  I  think  a  more  pru 
dent  conduct  in  another  sect  among  us,  that  of  the 
Dunkers.  I  was  acquainted  with  one  of  its  founders, 
Michael  Welfare,  soon  after  it  appeared.  He  com 
plain 'd  to  me  that  they  were  grievously  calumniated 
by  the  zealots  of  other  persuasions,  and  charg'd  with 
abominable  principles  and  practices  to  which  they 
were  utter  strangers.  I  told  him  this  had  always 
been  the  case  with  new  sects,  and  that,  to  put  a  stop 
to  such  abuse  I  imagin'd  it  might  be  well  to  publish 
the  articles  of  their  belief,  and  the  rules  of  their 
discipline.  He  said  that  it  had  been  propos'd  among 
them,  but  not  agreed  to,  for  this  reason:  "  When  we 
were  first  drawn  together  as  a  society,"  says  he,  "it 
had  pleased  God  to  enlighten  our  minds  so  far  as  to 
see  that  some  doctrines,  which  we  once  esteemed 
truths,  were  errors;  and  that  others,  which  we  had 
esteemed  errors,  were  real  truths.  From  time  to 
time  He  has  been  pleased  to  afford  us  farther  light, 
and  our  principles  have  been  improving,  and  our 
errors  diminishing.  Now  we  are  not  sure  that  we  are 
arrived  at  the  end  of  this  progression,  and  at  the  per 
fection  of  spiritual  or  theological  knowledge;  and 
we  fear  that,  if  we  should  once  print  our  confession  of 
faith  we  should  feel  ourselves  as  if  bound  and  con- 
fin 'd  by  it  and  perhaps  be  unwilling  to  receive  farther 
improvement,  and  our  successors  still  more  so,  as 
conceiving  what  we  their  elders  and  founders  had 
done,  to  be  something  sacred,  never  to  be  departed 
from." 

This  modesty  in  a  sect  ivS  perhaps  a  singular  in- 


1731-1757]          Benjamin  Franklin  237 

stance  in  the  history  of  mankind,  every  other  sect 
supposing  itself  in  possession  of  all  truth,  and  that 
those  who  differ  are  so  far  in  the  wrong ;  like  a  man 
traveling  in  foggy  weather,  those  at  some  distance 
before  him  on  the  road  he  sees  wrapped  up  in  the 
fog,  as  well  as  those  behind  him,  and  also  the  people 
in  the  fields  on  each  side,  but  near  him  all  appears 
clear,  tho'  in  truth  he  is  as  much  in  the  fog  as  any  of 
them.  To  avoid  this  kind  of  embarrassment,  the 
Quakers  have  of  late  years  been  gradually  declining 
the  public  service  in  the  Assembly  and  in  the  magis 
tracy,  choosing  rather  to  quit  their  power  than  their 
principle. 

In  order  of  time,  I  should  have  mentioned  before, 
that  having,  in  1742,  invented  an  open  stove  for  the 
better  warming  of  rooms,  and  at  the  same  time  sav 
ing  fuel,  as  the  fresh  air  admitted  was  warmed  in  en 
tering,  I  made  a  present  of  the  model  to  Mr.  Robert 
Grace,  one  of  my  early  friends,  who,  having  an  iron- 
furnace  found  the  casting  of  the  plates  for  these 
stoves  a  profitable  thing,  as  they  were  growing  in 
demand.  To  promote  that  demand,  I  wrote  and 
published  a  pamphlet,  entitled  An  Account  of  the 
new-invented  Pennsylvania  Fireplaces;  wherein  their 
Construction  and  Manner  of  Operation  is  particularly 
explained;  their  Advantages  above  every  other  Method 
of  warming  Rooms  demonstrated:  and  all  Objections 
that  have  been  raised  against  the  Use  of  them  answered 
and  obviated,  etc.  This  pamphlet  had  a  good  effect. 
Gov'r.  Thomas  was  so  pleas 'd  with  the  construction 
of  this  stove,  as  described  in  it,  that  he  offered  to 
give  me  a  patent  for  the  sole  vending  of  them  for  a 


238  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

/' 

term  of  years;    but  I  declin'd  it  from  a  principle 

which  has  ever  weighed  with  me  on  such  occasions, 
viz. :  That,  as  we  enjoy  great  advantages  from  the 
inventions  of  others,  we  should  be  glad  of  an  oppor 
tunity  to  serve  others  by  any  invention  of  ours;  and 
this  we  should  do  freely  and  generously. 

An  ironmonger  in  London  however,  assuming  a 
good  deal  of  my  pamphlet,  and  working  it  up  into 
his  own  and  making  some  small  changes  in  the  ma 
chine,  which  rather  hurt  its  operation,  got  a  patent 
for  it  there  and  made,  as  I  was  told,  a  little  fortune 
by  it.  And  this  is  not  the  only  instance  of  patents 
taken  out  for  my  inventions  by  others,  tho'  not 
always  with  the  same  success,  which  I  never  con 
tested,  as  having  no  desire  of  profiting  by  patents 
myself,  and  hating  disputes.  The  use  of  these  fire 
places  in  very  many  houses,  both  of  this  and  the 
neighboring  colonies,  has  been,  and  is,  a  great  saving 
of  wood  to  the  inhabitants. 

Peace  being  concluded,  and  the  association  busi 
ness  therefore  at  an  end,  I  turn'd  my  thoughts  again 
to  the  affair  of  establishing  an  academy.  The  first 
step  I  took  was  to  associate  in  the  design  a  number 
of  active  friends,  of  whom  the  Junto  furnished  a 
good  part;  the  next  was  to  write  and  publish  a 
pamphlet,  entitled  Proposals  relating  to  the  Education 
of  Youth  in  Pennsylvania.  This  I  distributed  among 
the  principal  inhabitants  gratis;  and  as  soon  as  I 
could  suppose  their  minds  a  little  prepared  by  the 
perusal  of  it,  I  set  on  foot  a  subscription  for  opening 
and  supporting  an  academy:  it  was  to  be  paid  in 
quotas  yearly  for  five  years;  by  so  dividing  it,  I 


I73I~I7S7]          Benjamin  Franklin  239 

judg'd  the  subscription  might  be  larger  and  I  believe 
it  was  so,  amounting  to  no  less,  if  I  remember  right, 
than  five  thousand  pounds. 

In  the  introduction  to  these  proposals,  I  stated 
their  publication,  not  as  an  act  of  mine,  but  of  some 
public k- spirited  gentlemen,  avoiding  as  much  as  I 
could,  according  to  my  usual  rule,  the  presenting 
myself  to  the  public  as  the  author  of  any  scheme 
for  their  benefit. 

The  subscribers,  to  carry  the  project  into  immedi 
ate  execution,  chose  out  of  their  number  twenty-four 
trustees  and  appointed  Mr.  Francis,  then  attorney- 
general  and  myself  to  draw  up  constitutions  for  the 
government  of  the  academy;  which  being  done  and 
signed,  a  house  was  hired,  masters  engag'd,  and  the 
schools  opened,  I  think,  in  the  same  year,  1749. 

The  scholars  increasing  fast,  the  house  was  soon 
found  too  small  and  we  were  looking  out  for  a  piece 
of  ground  properly  situated,  with  intention  to  build, 
when  Providence  threw  into  our  way  a  large  house 
ready  built  which,  with  a  few  alterations,  might  well 
serve  our  purpose.  This  was  the  building  before 
mentioned,  erected  by  the  hearers  of  Mr.  Whitefield, 
and  was  obtained  for  us  in  the  following  manner. 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  contributions  to  this 
building  being  made  by  people  of  different  sects,  care 
was  taken  in  the  nomination  of  trustees,  in  whom  the 
building  and  ground  were  to  be  vested,  that  a  pre 
dominancy  should  not  be  given  to  any  sect,  lest  in 
time  that  predominancy  might  be  a  means  of  appro 
priating  the  whole  to  the  use  of  such  sect,  contrary  to 
the  original  intention.  It  was  therefore  that  one  of 


240  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

each  sect  was  appointed,  viz.,  one  Church-of- England 
man,  one  Presbyterian,  one  Baptist,  one  Moravian, 
etc.,  those,  in  case  of  vacancy  by  death,  were  to  fill 
it  by  election  from  among  the  contributors.  The 
Moravian  happen 'd  not  to  please  his  colleagues  and 
on  his  death  they  resolved  to  have  no  other  of  that 
sect.  The  difficulty  then  was,  how  to  avoid  hav 
ing  two  of  some  other  sect,  by  means  of  the  new 
choice. 

Several  persons  were  named,  and  for  that  reason 
not  agreed  to.  At  length  one  mention 'd  me  with 
the  observation  that  I  was  merely  an  honest  man, 
and  of  no  sect  at  all,  which  prevail'd  with  them  to 
chuse  me.  The  enthusiasm  which  existed  when  the 
house  was  built  had  long  since  abated,  and  its 
trustees  had  not  been  able  to  procure  fresh  contri 
butions  for  paying  the  ground-rent  and  discharging 
some  other  debts  the  building  had  occasion 'd,  which 
embarrass 'd  them  greatly.  Being  now  a  member  of 
both  setts  of  trustees,  that  for  the  building  and  that 
for  the  academy,  I  had  a  good  opportunity  of  ne 
gotiating  with  both,  and  brought  them  finally  to  an 
agreement,  by  which  the  trustees  for  the  building 
were  to  cede  it  to  those  of  the  academy,  the  latter 
undertaking  to  discharge  the  debt,  to  keep  forever 
open  in  the  building  a  large  hall  for  occasional 
preachers  according  to  the  original  intention  and 
maintain  a  free-school  for  the  instruction  of  poor 
children.  Writings  were  accordingly  drawn  and  on 
paying  the  debts,  the  trustees  of  the  academy  were 
put  into  possession  of  the  premises ;  and  by  dividing 
the  great  and  lofty  hall  into  stories,  and  different 


I73l~l757l          Benjamin  Franklin  241 

rooms  above  and  below  for  the  several  schools  and 
purchasing  some  additional  ground  the  whole  was 
soon  made  fit  for  our  purpose,  and  the  scholars 
remov'd  into  the  building.  The  care  and  trouble  of 
agreeing  with  the  workmen,  purchasing  materials 
and  superintending  the  work,  fell  upon  me;  and  I 
went  thro'  it  the  more  cheerfully,  as  it  did  not  then 
interfere  with  my  private  business,  having  the  year 
before  taken  a  very  able,  industrious,  and  honest 
partner,  Mr.  David  Hall  with  whose  character  I  was 
well  acquainted  as  he  had  work'd  for  me  four  years. 
He  took  off  my  hands  all  care  of  the  printing-office, 
paying  me  punctually  my  share  of  the  profits.  This 
partnership  continued  eighteen  years,  successfully  for 
us  both. 

The  trustees  of  the  academy,  after  a  while,  were 
incorporated  by  a  charter  from  the  governor;  their 
funds  were  increas'd  by  contributions  in  Britain  and 
grants  of  land  from  the  proprietaries,  to  which  the 
Assembly  has  since  made  considerable  addition ;  and 
thus  was  established  the  present  University  of  Phil 
adelphia.  I  have  been  continued  one  of  its  trustees 
from  the  beginning,  now  near  forty  years,  and  have 
had  the  very  great  pleasure  of  seeing  a  number  of  the 
youth  who  have  receiv'd  their  education  in  it,  distin 
guished  by  their  improved  abilities,  serviceable  in 
public  stations,  and  ornaments  to  their  country.1 

When  I  disengaged  myself,  as  above  mentioned, 

1  The  old  "Academy,"  as  the  building  of  which  Franklin  speaks  was 
called,  has  given  place  to  a  new  and  tasteful  edifice.  For  many  years 
the  new  building  had  been  occupied  as  an  academy,  preparatory  to  the 
University,  commodious  buildings  for  which,  were  erected  in  South 
Ninth  Street,  near  Chestnut. — ED. 

VOL.  I.— 16. 


242  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

from  private  business,  I  flatter 'd  myself  that,  by  the 
sufficient  tho'  moderate  fortune  I  had  acquir'd,  I  had 
secured  leisure  during  the  rest  of  my  life  for  philo 
sophical  studies  and  amusements.  I  purchased  all 
Dr.  Spence's  apparatus,  who  had  come  from  England 
to  lecture  here,  and  I  proceeded  in  my  electrical  ex 
periments  with  great  alacrity;  but  the  publick,  now 
considering  me  as  a  man  of  leisure,  laid  hold  of  me 
for  their  purposes;  every  part  of  our  civil  govern 
ment,  and  almost  at  the  same  time,  imposing  some 
duty  upon  me.  The  governor  put  me  into  the  com 
mission  of  the  peace,  the  corporation  of  the  city  chose 
me  of  the  common  council,  and  soon  after  an  alder 
man,  and  the  citizens  at  large  chose  me  a  burgess  to 
represent  them  in  Assembly.  This  latter  station  was 
the  more  agreeable  to  me,  as  I  was  at  length  tired 
with  sitting  there  to  hear  debates,  in  which,  as  clerk, 
I  could  take  no  part,  and  which  were  so  often 
un  entertaining  that  I  was  in  due 'd  to  amuse  myself 
with  making  magic  squares  or  circles,  or  any  thing 
to  avoid  weariness;  and  I  conceiv'd  my  becoming  a 
member  would  enlarge  my  power  of  doing  good.  I 
would  not,  however,  insinuate  that  my  ambition  was 
not  flatter 'd  by  all  these  promotions;  it  certainly 
was;  for,  considering  my  low  beginning,  they  were 
great  things  to  me  and  they  were  still  more  pleasing 
as  being  so  many  spontaneous  testimonies  of  the 
public  good  opinion,  and  by  me  entirely  unsolicited. 
The  office  of  justice  of  the  peace  I  try'd  a  little,  by 
attending  a  few  courts,  and  sitting  on  the  bench  to 
hear  causes,  but  finding  that  more  knowledge  of  the 
common  law  than  I  possessed  was  necessary  to  act  in 


Benjamin  Franklin  243 

that  station  with  credit,  I  gradually  withdrew  from 
it,  excusing  myself  by  my  being  oblig'd  to  attend  the 
higher  duties  of  a  legislator  in  the  Assembly.  My 
election  to  this  trust  was  repeated  every  year  for  ten 
years  without  my  ever  asking  any  elector  for  his 
vote  or  signifying,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  any 
desire  of  being  chosen.  On  taking  my  seat  in  the 
House,  my  son  was  appointed  their  clerk. 

The  year  following,  a  treaty  being  to  be  held  with 
the  Indians  at  Carlisle,  the  governor  sent  a  message 
to  the  House,  proposing  that  they  should  nominate 
some  of  their  members,  to  be  join'd  with  some  mem- 
bers  of  council,  as  commissioners  for  that  purpose.1 
The  House  named  the  speaker  (Mr.  Norris)  and  my^ 
self;  and,  being  commission 'd,  we  went  to  Carlisle, 
and  met  the  Indians  accordingly. 

As  those  people  are  extreamly  apt  to  get  drunk 
and,  when  so,  are  very  quarrelsome  and  disorderly, 
we  strictly  forbade  the  selling  any  liquor  to  them; 
and  when  they  complain 'd  of  this  restriction,  we  told 
them  that  if  they  would  continue  sober  during  the 
treaty  we  would  give  them  plenty  of  rum  when  busi 
ness  was  over.  They  promised  this  and  they  kept 
their  promise  because  they  could  get  no  liquor,  and 
the  treaty  was  conducted  very  orderly  and  concluded 
to  mutual  satisfaction.  They  then  claim 'd  and  re- 
ceiv'd  the  rum ;  this  was  in  the  afternoon ;  they  were 
near  one  hundred  men,  women,  and  children,  and 
were  lodg'd  in  temporary  cabins  built  in  the  form  of 
a  square,  just  without  the  town.  In  the  evening, 
hearing  a  great  noise  among  them,  the  commissioners 

1  See  the  votes  to  have  this  more  correctly. — Marg.  note. 


244  Autobiography  of  [1731-175; 

walk'd  out  to  see  what  was  the  matter.  We  found 
they  had  made  a  great  bonfire  in  the  middle  of  the 
square ;  they  were  all  drunk,  men  and  women,  quar 
reling  and  fighting.  Their  dark-colour 'd  bodies  half 
naked,  seen  only  by  the  gloomy  light  of  the  bonfire, 
running  after  and  beating  one  another  with  fire 
brands,  accompanied  by  their  horrid  yellings,  form'd 
a  scene  the  most  resembling  our  ideas  of  hell  that 
could  well  be  imagin'd;  there  was  no  appeasing  the 
tumult,  and  we  retired  to  our  lodging.  At  midnight 
a  number  of  them  came  thundering  at  our  door, 
demanding  more  rum,  of  which  we  took  no  notice. 

The  next  day,  sensible  they  had  misbehav'd  in  giv 
ing  us  that  disturbance,  they  sent  three  of  their  old 
counsellors  to  make  their  apology.  The  orator  ac- 
knowledg'd  the  fault,  but  laid  it  upon  the  rum;  and 
then  endeavored  to  excuse  the  rum  by  saying:  "  The 
Great  Spirit,  who  made  all  things,  made  every  thing 
for  some  use,  and  whatever  use  he  designed  any  thing 
for,  that  use  it  should  always  be  put  to.  Now,  when 
he  made  rum,  he  said,  'Let  this  be  for  the  Indians  to 
get  drunk  with, '  and  it  must  be  so. ' '  And,  indeed,  if  it 
be  the  design  of  Providence  to  extirpate  these  savages 
in  order  to  make  room  for  cultivators  of  the  earth, 
it  seems  not  improbable  that  rum  may  be  the  ap 
pointed  means.  It  has  already  annihilated  all  the 
tribes  who  formerly  inhabited  the  sea-coast. 

In  1751,  Dr.  Thomas  Bond,  a  particular  friend  of 
mine,  conceived  the  idea  of  establishing  a  hospital  in 
Philadelphia  (a  very  beneficent  design,  which  has 
been  ascrib'd  to  me,  but  was  originally  his),  for  the 
reception  and  cure  of  poor  sick  persons,  whether  in- 


i73I-I75?]          Benjamin  Franklin  245 

habitants  of  the  province  or  strangers.  He  was 
zealous  and  active  in  endeavoring  to  procure  sub 
scriptions  for  it,  but  the  proposal  being  a  novelty  in 
America,  and  at  first  not  well  understood,  he  met 
with  small  success. 

At  length  he  came  to  me  with  the  compliment  that 
he  found  there  was  no  such  thing  as  carrying  a  public- 
spirited  project  through  without  my  being  concern 'd 
in  it.  "  For,"  says  he,  "  I  am  often  ask'd  by  those 
to  whom  I  propose  subscribing,  Have  you  consulted 
Franklin  upon  this  business?  And  what  does  he 
think  of  it  ?  And  when  I  tell  them  that  I  have  not 
(supposing  it  rather  out  of  your  line),  they  do  not 
subscribe,  but  say  they  will  consider  of  it."  I  en 
quired  into  the  nature  and  probable  utility  of  his 
scheme,  and  receiving  from  him  a  very  satisfactory 
explanation,  I  not  only  subscribed  to  it  myself,  but 
engag'd  heartily  in  the  design  of  procuring  subscrip 
tions  from  others.  Previously,  however,  to  the  so 
licitation,  I  endeavoured  to  prepare  the  minds  of  the 
people  by  writing  on  the  subject  in  newspapers, 
which  was  my  usual  custom  in  such  cases  but  which 
he  had  omitted. 

The  subscriptions  afterwards  were  more  free  and 
generous,  but  beginning  to  flag,  I  saw  they  would  be 
insufficient  without  some  assistance  from  the  Assem 
bly  and  therefore  propos'd  to  petition  for  it,  which 
was  done.  The  country  members  did  not  at  first 
relish  the  project ;  they  objected  that  it  could  only  be 
serviceable  to  the  city  and  therefore  the  citizens  alone 
should  be  at  the  expense  of  it;  and  they  doubted 
whether  the  citizens  themselves  generally  appro v'd 


246  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

of  it.  My  allegation  on  the  contrary,  that  it  met 
with  such  approbation  as  to  leave  no  doubt  of  our 
being  able  to  raise  two  thousand  pounds  by  voluntary 
donations,  they  considered  as  a  most  extravagant 
supposition,  and  utterly  impossible. 

On  this  I  form'd  my  plan  and,  asking  leave  to 
bring  in  a  bill  for  incorporating  the  contributors  ac 
cording  to  the  prayer  of  their  petition,  and  granting 
them  a  blank  sum  of  money,  which  leave  was  ob 
tained  chiefly  on  the  consideration  that  the  House 
could  throw  the  bill  out  if  they  did  not  like  it,  I  drew 
it  so  as  to  make  the  important  clause  a  conditional 
one,  viz. :  "  And  be  it  enacted,  by  the  authority  afore 
said,  that  when  the  said  contributors  shall  have  met 
and  chosen  their  managers  and  treasurer,  and  shall 
have  raised  by  their  contributions  a  capital  stock  of 
-  value  (the  yearly  interest  of  which  is  to  be 
applied  to  the  accommodating  of  the  sick  poor  in  the 
said  hospital,  free  of  charge  for  diet,  attendance,  ad 
vice,  and  medicines),  and  shall  make  the  same  appear 
to  the  satisfaction  of  the  speaker  of  the  Assembly  for  the 
time  being,  that  then  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  for 
the  said  speaker,  and  he  is  hereby  required,  to  sign 
an  order  on  the  provincial  treasurer  for  the  payment 
of  two  thousand  pounds,  in  two  yearly  payments, 
to  the  treasurer  of  the  said  hospital,  to  be  ap 
plied  to  the  founding,  building,  and  finishing  of  the 


same." 


This  condition  carried  the  bill  through;  for  the 
members,  who  had  oppos'd  the  grant  and  now  con 
ceived  they  might  have  the  credit  of  being  charitable 
without  the  expence,  agreed  to  its  passage;  and 


i73I-I7S7]  Benjamin  Franklin  247 

then,  in  soliciting  subscriptions  among  the  people, 
we  urg'd  the  conditional  promise  of  the  law  as  an 
additional  motive  to  give,  since  every  man's  dona 
tion  would  be  doubled;  thus  the  clause  work'd  both 
ways.  The  subscriptions  accordingly  soon  exceeded 
the  requisite  sum,  and  we  claim 'd  and  receiv'd  the 
public  gift,  which  enabled  us  to  carry  the  design  into 
execution.  A  convenient  and  handsome  building 
was  soon  erected ;  the  institution  has  by  constant  ex 
perience  been  found  useful,  and  flourishes  to  this  day ; 
and  I  do  not  remember  any  of  my  political  ma 
noeuvres,  the  success  of  which  gave  me  at  the  time 
more  pleasure,  or  wherein,  after  thinking  of  it  I 
more  easily  excus'd  myself  for  having  made  some 
use  of  cunning. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  another  projector,  the 
Rev.  Gilbert  Tennent,  came  to  me  with  a  request 
that  I  would  assist  him  in  procuring  a  subscription 
for  erecting  a  new  meeting-house.  It  was  to  be  for 
the  use  of  a  congregation  he  had  gathered  among  the  • 
Presbyterians,  who  were  originally  disciples  of  Mr. 
Whitefield.  Unwilling  to  make  myself  disagreeable 
to  my  fellow-citizens  by  too  frequently  soliciting  their 
contributions,  I  absolutely  refus'd.  He  then  desired 
I  would  furnish  him  with  a  list  of  the  names  of  per 
sons  I  knew  by  experience  to  be  generous  and  public- 
spirited.  I  thought  it  would  be  unbecoming  in  me, 
after  their  kind  compliance  with  my  solicitations,  to 
mark  them  out  to  be  worried  by  other  beggars,  and 
therefore  refus'd  also  to  give  such  a  list.  He  then  de- 
sir 'd  I  would  at  least  give  him  my  advice.  :<  That  I 
will  readily  do/'  said  I;  "and,  in  the  first  place,  I 


248  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

advise  you  to  apply  to  all  those  whom  you  know  will 
give  something;  next  to  those  whom  you  are  un 
certain  whether  they  will  give  any  thing  or  not,  and 
show  them  the  list  of  those  who  have  given;  and, 
lastly,  do  not  neglect  those  who  you  are  sure  will  give 
nothing,  for  in  some  of  them  you  may  be  mistaken." 
He  laugh 'd  and  thank'd  me,  and  said  he  would  take 
my  advice.  He  did  so,  for  he  ask'd  of  everybody, 
and  he  obtain 'd  a  much  larger  sum  than  he  expected, 
with  which  he  erected  the  capacious  and  very  elegant 
meeting-house  that  stands  in  Arch-street. 

Our  city,  tho'  laid  out  with  a  beautiful  regularity, 
the  streets  large,  straight,  and  crossing  each  other 
at  right  angles,  had  the  disgrace  of  suffering  those 
streets  to  remain  long  unpav'd,  and  in  wet  weather 
the  wheels  of  heavy  carriages  plough 'd  them  into  a 
quagmire  so  that  it  was  difficult  to  cross  them;  and 
in  dry  weather  the  dust  was  offensive.  I  had  liv'd 
near  what  was  call'd  the  Jersey  Market  and  saw  with 
pain  the  inhabitants  wading  in  mud  while  purchasing 
their  provisions.  A  strip  of  ground  down  the  middle 
of  that  market  was  at  length  pav'd  with  brick,  so 
that,  being  once  in  the  market,  they  had  firm  footing, 
but  were  often  over  shoes  in  dirt  to  get  there.  By 
talking  and  writing  on  the  subject,  I  was  at  length 
instrumental  in  getting  the  street  pav'd  with  stone 
between  the  market  and  the  brick 'd  foot-pavement, 
that  was  on  each  side  next  the  houses.  This,  for 
some  time  gave  an  easy  access  to  the  market  dry- 
shod,  but,  the  rest  of  the  street  not  being  pav'd, 
whenever  a  carriage  came  out  of  the  mud  upon  this 
pavement  it  shook  off  and  left  its  dirt  upon  it  and  it 


Benjamin  Franklin  249 

was  soon  cover 'd  with  mire,  which  was  not  remov'd, 
the  city  as  yet  having  no  scavengers. 

After  some  inquiry,  I  found  a  poor,  industrious 
man  who  was  willing  to  undertake  keeping  the  pave 
ment  clean  by  sweeping  it  twice  a  week,  carrying  off 
the  dirt  from  before  all  the  neighbours'  doors,  for  the 
sum  of  sixpence  per  month  to  be  paid  by  each  house. 
I  then  wrote  and  printed  a  paper  setting  forth  the 
advantages  to  the  neighbourhood  that  might  be  ob 
tain 'd  by  this  small  expense;  the  greater  ease  in 
keeping  our  houses  clean,  so  much  dirt  not  being 
brought  in  by  people's  feet;  the  benefit  to  the  shops 
by  more  custom, etc., etc., as  buyers  could  more  easily 
get  at  them;  and  by  not  having,  in  windy  weather, 
the  dust  blown  in  upon  their  goods,  etc.,  etc.  I  sent 
one  of  these  papers  to  each  house  and  in  a  day  or 
two  went  round  to  see  who  would  subscribe  an  agree 
ment  to  pay  these  sixpences.  It  was  unanimously 
sign'd,  and  for  a  time  well  executed.  All  the  in 
habitants  of  the  city  were  delighted  with  the  cleanli 
ness  of  the  pavement  that  surrounded  the  market, 
it  being  a  convenience  to  all,  and  this  rais'd  a  general 
desire  to  have  all  the  streets  paved,  and  made  the 
people  more  willing  to  submit  to  a  tax  for  that 
purpose. 

After  some  time  I  drew  a  bill  for  paving  the  city, 
and  brought  it  into  the  Assembly.  It  was  just  before 
I  went  to  England,  in  1757,  and  did  not  pass  till  I 
was  gone,1  and  then  with  an  alteration  in  the  mode  of 
assessment,  which  I  thought  not  for  the  better,  but 
with  an  additional  provision  for  lighting  as  well  as 

1  See  votes. — Marg.  note. 


250  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

paving  the  streets,  which  was  a  great  improvement. 
It  was  by  a  private  person,  the  late  Mr.  John  Clifton, 
his  giving  a  sample  of  the  utility  of  lamps,  by  placing 
one  at  his  door,  that  the  people  were  first  impress 'd 
with  the  idea  of  enlighting  all  the  city.  The  honour 
of  this  public  benefit  has  also  been  ascrib'd  to  me, 
but  it  belongs  truly  to  that  gentleman.  I  did  but  fol 
low  his  example,  and  have  only  some  merit  to  claim 
respecting  the  form  of  our  lamps,  as  differing  from 
the  globe  lamps  we  were  at  first  supply 'd  with  from 
London.  Those  we  found  inconvenient  in  these 
respects:  they  admitted  no  air  below;  the  smoke, 
therefore,  did  not  readily  go  out  above,  but  circulated 
in  the  globe,  lodg'd  on  its  inside,  and  soon  obstructed 
the  light  they  were  intended  to  afford;  giving,  be 
sides,  the  daily  trouble  of  wiping  them  clean ;  and  an 
accidental  stroke  on  one  of  them  would  demolish  it, 
and  render  it  totally  useless.  I  therefore  suggested 
the  composing  them  of  four  flat  panes,  with  a  long 
funnel  above  to  draw  up  the  smoke,  and  crevices 
admitting  air  below,  to  facilitate  the  ascent  of  the 
smoke;  by  this  means  they  were  kept  clean,  and  did 
not  grow  dark  in  a  few  hours,  as  the  London  lamps 
do,  but  continu'd  bright  till  morning,  and  an  acci 
dental  stroke  would  generally  break  but  a  single 
pane,  easily  repair'd. 

I  have  sometimes  wonder 'd  that  the  Londoners  did 
not,  from  the  effect  holes  in  the  bottom  of  the  globe 
lamps  us'd  at  Vauxhall  have  in  keeping  them  clean, 
learn  to  have  such  holes  in  their  street  lamps.  But, 
these  holes  being  made  for  another  purpose,  viz.,  to 
communicate  flame  more  suddenly  to  the  wick  by  a 


i73i~I757]          Benjamin  Franklin  251 

little  flax  hanging  down  thro'  them,  the  other  use, 
of  letting  in  air,  seems  not  to  have  been  thought 
of;  and  therefore,  after  the  lamps  have  been  lit  a 
few  hours,  the  streets  of  London  are  very  poorly 
illuminated. 

The  mention  of  these  improvements  puts  me  in 
mind  of  one  I  propos'd,  when  in  London,  to  Dr. 
Fothergill,  who  was  among  the  best  men  I  have 
known,  and  a  great  promoter  of  useful  projects.  I 
had  observ'd  that  the  streets,  when  dry,  were  never 
swept,  and  the  light  dust  carried  away;  but  it  was 
suffer 'd  to  accumulate  till  wet  weather  reduc'd  it  to 
mud,  and  then,  after  lying  some  days  so  deep  on  the 
pavement  that  there  was  no  crossing  but  in  paths 
kept  clean  by  poor  people  with  brooms,  it  was  with 
great  labour  rak'd  together  and  thrown  up  into  carts 
open  above,  the  sides  of  which  suffer 'd  some  of  the 
slush  at  every  jolt  on  the  pavement  to  shake  out  and 
fall,  sometimes  to  the  annoyance  of  foot-passengers. 
The  reason  given  for  not  sweeping  the  dusty  streets 
was,  that  the  dust  would  fly  into  the  windows  of 
shops  and  houses. 

An  accidental  occurrence  had  instructed  me  how 
much  sweeping  might  be  done  in  a  little  time.  I 
found  at  my  door  in  Craven-street,  one  morning,  a 
poor  woman  sweeping  my  pavement  with  a  birch 
broom;  she  appeared  very  pale  and  feeble,  as  just 
come  out  of  a  fit  of  sickness.  I  ask'd  who  employ 'd 
her  to  sweep  there;  she  said:  ''Nobody;  but  I  am 
very  poor  and  in  distress,  and  I  sweeps  before  gentle- 
folkses  doors,  and  hopes  they  will  give  me  some 
thing."  I  bid  her  sweep  the  whole  street  clean,  and 


252  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

I  would  give  her  a  shilling.  This  was  at  nine  o'clock. 
At  12  she  came  for  the  shilling.  From  the  slowness 
I  saw  at  first  in  her  working,  I  could  scarce  believe 
that  the  work  was  done  so  soon,  and  sent  my  servant 
to  examine  it,  who  reported  that  the  whole  street  was 
swept  perfectly  clean,  and  all  the  dust  plac'd  in  the 
gutter,  which  was  in  the  middle;  and  the  next  rain 
wash'd  it  quite  away,  so  that  the  pavement  and  even 
the  kennel  were  perfectly  clean. 

I  then  judg'd  that  if  that  feeble  woman  could 
sweep  such  a  street  in  three  hours,  a  strong,  active 
man  might  have  done  it  in  half  the  time.     And  here 
let  me  remark  the  convenience  of  having  but  one 
gutter  in  such  a  narrow  street,  running  down  its  mid 
dle,  instead  of  two,  one  on  each  side,  near  the  foot 
way  ;  for  where  all  the  rain  that  falls  on  a  street  runs 
from  the  sides  and  meets  in  the  middle,  it  forms  there 
a  current  strong  enough  to  wash  away  all  the  mud 
it  meets  with;  but  when  divided  into  two  channels, 
it  is  often  too  weak  to  cleanse  either  and  only  makes 
the  mud  it  finds  more  fluid  so  that  the  wheels  of 
carriages  and  the  feet  of  horses  throw  and  dash  it 
upon  the  foot-pavement  which  is  thereby  rendered 
foul  and  slippery,  and  sometimes  splash  it  upon  those 
who  are  walking.    My  proposal,  communicated  to  the 
good  doctor,  was  as  follows: 

II  For  the  more  effectual  cleaning  and  keeping 
clean  the  streets  of  London  and  Westminster,  it  is 
proposed  that  the  several  watchmen  be  contracted 
with  to  have  the  dust  swept  up  in  dry  seasons,  and 
the  mud  rak'd  up  at  other  times,  each  in  the  several 
streets  and  lanes  of  his  round ;  that  they  be  furnish 'd 


1731-1757]          Benjamin  Franklin  253 

with  brooms  and  other  proper  instruments  for  these 
purposes  to  be  kept  at  their  respective  stands  ready 
to  furnish  the  poor  people  they  may  employ  in  the 
service. 

"  That  in  the  dry  summer  months  the  dust  be  all 
swept  up  into  heaps  at  proper  distances  before  the 
shops  and  windows  of  houses  are  usually  opened, 
when  the  scavengers,  with  close-covered  carts,  shall 
also  carry  it  all  away. 

"That  the  mud,  when  rak'd  up,  be  not  left  in 
heaps  to  be  spread  abroad  again  by  the  wheels  of 
carriages  and  trampling  of  horses,  but  that  the  scav 
engers  be  provided  with  bodies  of  carts,  not  plac'd 
high  upon  wheels  but  low  upon  sliders,  with  lattice 
bottoms  which,  being  cover 'd  with  straw,  will  retain 
the  mud  thrown  into  them  and  permit  the  water  to 
drain  from  it,  whereby  it  will  become  much  lighter, 
water  making  the  greatest  part  of  its  weight;  these 
bodies  of  carts  to  be  plac'd  at  convenient  distances, 
and  the  mud  brought  to  them  in  wheelbarrows ;  they 
remaining  where  plac'd  till  the  mud  is  drain 'd  and 
then  horses  brought  to  draw  them  away." 

I  have  since  had  doubts  of  the  practicability  of  the 
latter  part  of  this  proposal,  on  account  of  the  narrow 
ness  of  some  streets  and  the  difficulty  of  placing  the 
draining- sled  so  as  not  to  encumber  too  much  the 
passage,  but  I  am  still  of  the  opinion  that  the  former, 
requiring  the  dust  to  be  swept  up  and  carry 'd  away 
before  the  shops  are  open,  is  very  practicable  in  the 
summer  when  the  days  are  long ;  for,  in  walking  thro' 
the  Strand  and  Fleet-street  one  morning  at  seven 
o'clock  I  observ'd  there  was  not  one  shop  open,  tho' 


254  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

it  had  been  daylight  and  the  sun  up  above  three 
hours ;  the  inhabitants  of  London  chusing  voluntarily 
to  live  much  by  candle-light  and  sleep  by  sunshine 
and  yet  often  complain,  a  little  absurdly,  of  the  duty 
on  candles  and  the  high  price  of  tallow. 

Some  may  think  these  trifling  matters  not  worth 
minding  or  relating  but  when  they  consider  that  tho* 
dust  blown  into  the  eyes  of  a  single  person  or  into  a 
single  shop  on  a  windy  day,  is  but  of  small  import 
ance,  yet  the  great  number  of  the  instances  in  a  popu 
lous  city  and  its  frequent  repetitions  give  it  weight 
and  consequence,  perhaps  they  will  not  censure  very 
severely  those  who  bestow  some  attention  to  affairs 
of  this  seemingly  low  nature.  Human  felicity  is  pro- 
duc'd  not  so  much  by  great  pieces  of  good  fortune 
that  seldom  happen  as  by  little  advantages  that 
occur  every  day.  Thus,  if  you  teach  a  poor  young 
man  to  shave  himself  and  keep  his  razor  in  order,  you 
may  contribute  more  to  the  happiness  of  his  life  than 
in  giving  him  a  thousand  guineas.  The  money  may 
be  soon  spent,  the  regret  only  remaining  of  having 
foolishly  consumed  it;  but  in  the  other  case,  he  es 
capes  the  frequent  vexation  of  waiting  for  barbers 
and  of  their  sometimes  dirty  fingers,  offensive  breaths 
and  dull  razors ;  he  shaves  when  most  convenient  to 
him  and  enjoys  daily  the  pleasure  of  its  being  done 
with  a  good  instrument.1  With  these  sentiments  I 

1  From  the  MS.  journal  of  Mr.  Andrew  Ellicott,  I  have  been  kindly 
favored  by  Mr.  J.  C.  G.  Kennedy,  of  Washington,  one  of  his  descen 
dants,  with  the  following  extract  which  was  written  three  years  before 
the  preceding  paragraph  in  the  autobiography: 

"I  found  him  (Franklin)  in  his  little  room  among  his  papers.  He 
received  me  very  politely  and  immediately  entered  into  conversation 


1731-1757]  Benjamin  Franklin  255 

have  hazarded  the  few  preceding  pages,  hoping  they 
may  afford  hints  which  some  time  or  other  may  be 
useful  to  a  city  I  love,  having  lived  many  years  in  it 
very  happily,  and  perhaps  to  some  of  our  towns  in 
America. 

Having  been  for  some  time  employed  by  the  post 
master-general  of  America  as  his  comptroller  in  regu 
lating  several  offices,  and  bringing  the  officers  to 
account,  I  was,  upon  his  death  in  1753,  appointed, 
jointly  with  Mr.  William  Hunter,  to  succeed  him,  by 
a  commission  from  the  postmaster-general  in  Eng 
land.  The  American  office  never  had  hitherto  paid 
any  thing  to  that  of  Britain.  We  were  to  have  six 
hundred  pounds  a  year  between  us,  if  we  could  make 
that  sum  out  of  the  profits  of  the  office.  To  do  this, 
a  variety  of  improvements  were  necessary;  some  of 
these  were  inevitably  at  first  expensive,  so  that  in  the 
first  four  years  the  office  became  above  nine  hundred 
pounds  in  debt  to  us.  But  it  soon  after  began  to 
repay  us;  and  before  I  was  displac'd  by  a  freak  of 
the  ministers,  of  which  I  shall  speak  hereafter,  we 

about  the  western  country.  His  room  makes  a  singular  appearance, 
being  filled  with  old  philosophical  instruments,  papers,  boxes,  tables 
and  stools.  About  ten  o'clock  he  placed  some  water  on  the  fire  but 
not  being  expert  through  his  great  age,  I  desired  him  to  give  me  the 
pleasure  of  assisting  him.  He  thanked  me  and  replied  that  he  ever 
made  it  a  point  to  wait  upon  himself  and  although  he  began  to  find 
himself  infirm,  he  was  determined  not  to  increase  his  infirmities  by 
giving  way  to  them.  After  the  water  was  hot  I  observed  his  object 
was  to  shave  himself,  which  operation  he  performed  without  a  glass 
and  with  great  expedition.  I  asked  him  if  he  never  employed  a 
barber,  he  answered:  'No,  I  think  happiness  does  not  consist  so  much 
in  particular  pieces  of  good  fortune  which  perhaps  accidentally  fall 
to  a  man's  lot,  as  to  be  able  in  his  old  age  to  do  those  little  things 
which,  being  unable  to  perform  himself,  would  be  done  by  others 
with  a  sparing  hand.'  " 


256  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

had  brought  it  to  yield  three  times  as  much  clear 
revenue  to  the  crown  as  the  postoffice  of  Ireland. 
Since  that  imprudent  transaction,  they  have  re- 
ceiv'd  from  it — not  one  farthing! 

The  business  of  the  postoffice  occasion 'd  my  taking 
a  journey  this  year  to  New  England,  where  the  Col 
lege  of  Cambridge,  of  their  own  motion,  presented 
me  with  the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts.  Yale  College, 
in  Connecticut,  had  before  made  me  a  similar  com 
pliment.  Thus,  without  studying  in  any  college,  I 
came  to  partake  of  their  honours.  They  were  con- 
ferr'd  in  consideration  of  my  improvements  and  dis 
coveries  in  the  electric  branch  of  natural  philosophy. 

In  1 754,  war  with  France  being  again  apprehended, 
a  congress  of  commissioners  from  the  different  colo 
nies  was,  by  an  order  of  the  Lords  of  Trade,  to  be 
assembled  at  Albany,  there  to  confer  with  the  chiefs 
of  the  Six  Nations  concerning  the  means  of  defending 
both  their  country  and  ours.  Governor  Hamilton, 
having  receiv'd  this  order,  acquainted  the  House 
with  it,  requesting  they  would  furnish  proper  presents 
for  the  Indians,  to  be  given  on  this  occasion;  and 
naming  the  Speaker  (Mr.  Norris)  and  myself  to  join 
Mr.  Thomas  Penn  and  Mr.  Secretary  Peters  as  com 
missioners  to  act  for  Pennsylvania.  The  House 
appro v'd  the  nomination,  and  provided  the  goods 
for  the  present,  tho'  they  did  not  much  like  treating 
out  of  the  provinces,  and  we  met  the  other  commis 
sioners  at  Albany  about  the  middle  of  June. 

In  our  way  thither,  I  projected  and  drew  a  plan  for 
the  union  of  all  the  colonies  under  one  government, 
so  far  as  might  be  necessary  for  defense,  and  other 


Benjamin  Franklin  257 

important  general  purposes.  As  we  pass'd  thro' 
New  York,  I  had  there  shown  my  project  to  Mr. 
James  Alexander  and  Mr.  Kennedy,  two  gentlemen 
of  great  knowledge  in  public  affairs  and,  being  forti 
fied  by  their  approbation  I  ventur'd  to  lay  it  before 
the  Congress.  It  then  appeared  that  several  of  the 
commissioners  had  form'd  plans  of  the  same  kind. 
A  previous  question  was  first  taken  whether  a  union 
should  be  established,  which  pass'd  in  the  affirma 
tive  unanimously.  A  committee  was  then  appointed, 
one  member  from  each  colony,  to  consider  the  sev 
eral  plans  and  report.  Mine  happen 'd  to  be  pre- 
ferr'd,  and,  with  a  few  amendments,  was  accordingly 
reported. 

By  this  plan  the  general  government  was  to  be 
administered  by  a  president-general,  appointed  and 
supported  by  the  crown,  and  a  grand  council  was  to 
be  chosen  by  the  representatives  of  the  people  of  the 
several  colonies,  met  in  their  respective  assemblies. 
The  debates  upon  it  in  Congress  went  on  daily  hand 
in  hand  with  the  Indian  business.  Many  objections 
and  difficulties  were  started  but  at  length  they 
were  all  overcome  and  the  plan  was  unanimously 
agreed  to  and  copies  ordered  to  be  transmitted  to 
the  Board  of  Trade  and  to  the  assemblies  of  the  sev 
eral  provinces.  Its  fate  was  singular ;  the  assemblies 
did  not  adopt  it  as  they  all  thought  there  was  too 
much  prerogative  in  it,  and  in  England  it  was  judg'd 
to  have  too  much  of  the  democratic.  The  Board  of 
Trade  therefore  did  not  approve  of  it  nor  recommend 
it  for  the  approbation  of  his  majesty;  but  another 
scheme  was  form'd,  supposed  to  answer  the  same 


VOL.  I. — 17. 


258  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

purpose  better,  whereby  the  governors  of  the  pro 
vinces,  with  some  members  of  their  respective  coun 
cils,  were  to  meet  and  order  the  raising  of  troops, 
building  of  forts,  etc.,  and  to  draw  on  the  treasury 
of  Great  Britain  for  the  expense  which  was  after 
wards  to  be  refunded  by  an  act  of  Parliament  lay 
ing  a  tax  on  America.  My  plan  with  my  reasons 
in  support  of  it  is  to  be  found  among  my  political 
papers  that  are  printed.1 

Being  the  winter  following  in  Boston,  I  had  much 
conversation  with  Governor  Shirley  upon  both  the 
plans.  Part  of  what  passed  between  us  on  the  occa 
sion  may  also  be  seen  among  those  papers.  The 
different  and  contrary  reasons  of  dislike  to  my  plan 
make  me  suspect  that  it  was  really  the  true  medium ; 
and  I  am  still  of  opinion  it  would  have  been  happy 
for  both  sides  the  water  if  it  had  been  adopted.  The 
colonies,  so  united,  would  have  been  sufficiently 
strong  to  have  defended  themselves;  there  would 
then  have  been  no  need  of  troops  from  England;  of 
course,  the  subsequent  pretence  for  taxing  America, 
and  the  bloody  contest  it  occasioned,  would  have 
been  avoided.  But  such  mistakes  are  not  new;  his 
tory  is  full  of  the  errors  of  states  and  princes. 

Look  round  the  habitable  world,  how  few 
Know  their  own  good,  or,  knowing  it,  pursue! 

Those  who  govern,  having  much  business  on  their 
hands  do  not  generally  like  to  take  the  trouble  of 
considering  and  carrying  into  execution  new  pro- 

1  See  infra,  July,  1754,  "Papers  Relating  to  a  Plan  of  Union  of  the 
Colonies." — ED. 


Benjamin  Franklin  259 

jects.  The  best  public  measures  are  therefore  sel 
dom  adopted  from  previous  wisdom  but  forc'd  by  the 
occasion. 

The  governor  of  Pennsylvania,  in  sending  it  down 
to  the  Assembly  express 'd  his  approbation  of  the 
plan  "  as  appearing  to  him  to  be  drawn  up  with  great 
clearness  and  strength  of  judgment  and  therefore 
recommended  it  as  well  worthy  of  their  closest  and 
most  serious  attention."  The  House,  however,  by 
the  management  of  a  certain  member,  took  it  up 
when  I  happen 'd  to  be  absent,  which  I  thought  not 
very  fair,  and  reprobated  it  without  paying  any  at 
tention  to  it  at  all,  to  my  no  small  mortification. 

In  my  journey  to  Boston  this  year,  I  met  at  New 
York  with  our  new  governor,  Mr.  Morris,  just  arriv'd 
there  from  England,  with  whom  I  had  been  before 
intimately  acquainted.  He  brought  a  commission  to 
supersede  Mr.  Hamilton,  who,  tir'd  with  the  disputes 
his  proprietary  instructions  subjected  him  to,  had 
resign 'd.  Mr.  Morris  ask'd  me  if  I  thought  he  must 
expect  as  uncomfortable  an  administration.  I  said: 
"No;  you  may,  on  the  contrary,  have  a  very  com 
fortable  one  if  you  will  only  take  care  not  to  enter 
into  any  dispute  with  the  Assembly."  "My  dear 
friend, "  says  he,  pleasantly,  "  how  can  you  advise  my 
avoiding  disputes?  You  know  I  love  disputing;  it 
is  one  of  my  greatest  pleasures ;  however,  to  show  the 
regard  I  have  for  your  counsel  I  promise  you  I  will, 
if  possible,  avoid  them."  He  had  some  reason  for 
loving  to  dispute,  being  eloquent,  an  acute  sophister 
and  therefore  generally  successful  in  argumentative 
conversation.  He  had  been  brought  up  to  it  from 


260  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

a  boy,  his  father,  as  I  have  heard,  accustoming  his 
children  to  dispute  with  one  another  for  his  diversion 
while  sitting  at  table  after  dinner;  but  I  think  the 
practice  was  not  wise  for,  in  the  course  of  my  ob 
servation  these  disputing,  contradicting,  and  confut 
ing  people  are  generally  unfortunate  in  their  affairs. 
They  get  victory  sometimes,  but  they  never  get  good 
will,  which  would  be  of  more  use  to  them.  We 
parted,  he  going  to  Philadelphia,  and  I  to  Boston. 

In  returning  I  met  at  New  York  with  the  votes 
of  the  Assembly  by  which  it  appear 'd  that,  notwith 
standing  his  promise  to  me,  he  and  the  House  were 
already  in  high  contention;  and  it  was  a  continual 
battle  between  them  as  long  as  he  retain 'd  the  gov 
ernment.  I  had  my  share  of  it,  for,  as  soon  as  I  got 
back  to  my  seat  in  the  Assembly  I  was  put  on  every 
committee  for  answering  his  speeches  and  messages, 
and  by  the  committees  always  desired  to  make  the 
drafts.  Our  answers,  as  well  as  his  messages,  were 
often  tart  and  sometimes  indecently  abusive;  and, 
as  he  knew  I  wrote  for  the  Assembly,  one  might  have 
imagined  that,  when  we  met,  we  could  hardly  avoid 
cutting  throats,  but  he  was  so  good-natur'd  a  man 
that  no  personal  difference  between  him  and  me  was 
occasion 'd  by  the  contest  and  we  often  din'd  together. 

One  afternoon,  in  the  height  of  this  public  quarrel, 
we  met  in  the  street.  "  Franklin,"  says  he,  "you 
must  go  home  with  me  and  spend  the  evening ;  I  am 
to  have  some  company  that  you  will  like'*;  and, 
taking  me  by  the  arm  he  led  me  to  his  house.  In 
gay  conversation  over  our  wine,  after  supper,  he  told 
us  jokingly  that  he  much  admir'd  the  idea  of  Sancha 


1731-1757]          Benjamin  Franklin  261 

Panza  who,  when  it  was  proposed  to  give  him  a  gov 
ernment  requested  it  might  be  a  government  of 
blacks  as  then,  if  he  could  not  agree  with  his  people, 
he  might  sell  them.  One  of  his  friends,  who  sat  next 
to  me,  says:  "  Franklin,  why  do  you  continue  to  side 
with  these  damn'd  Quakers?  Had  not  you  better 
sell  them?  The  proprietor  would  give  you  a  good 
price."  "The  governor,"  says  I,  "has  not  yet 
blacked  them  enough."  He,  indeed,  had  labored 
hard  to  blacken  the  Assembly  in  all  his  messages  but 
they  wip'd  off  his  coloring  as  fast  as  he  laid  it  on 
and  plac'd  it  in  return,  thick  upon  his  own  face;  so 
that,  finding  he  was  likely  to  be  negrofied  himself  he, 
as  well  as  Mr.  Hamilton  grew  tir'd  of  the  contest,  and 
quitted  the  government. 

These '  public  quarrels  were  all  at  bottom  owing 
to  the  proprietaries,  our  hereditary  governors,  who, 
when  any  expense  was  to  be  incurred  for  the  defense 
of  their  province,  with  incredible  meanness  instructed 
their  deputies  to  pass  no  act  for  levying  the  necessary 
taxes,  unless  their  vast  estates  were  in  the  same  act 
expressly  excused,  and  they  had  even  taken  bonds 
of  these  deputies  to  observe  such  instructions.  The 
Assemblies  for  three  years  held  out  against  this  in 
justice,  tho'  constrained  to  bend  at  last.  At  length 
Captain  Denny,  who  was  Governor  Morris's  suc 
cessor,  ventured  to  disobey  those  instructions ;  how 
that  was  brought  about  I  shall  show  hereafter. 

But  I  am  got  forward  too  fast  with  my  story :  there 
are  still  some  transactions  to  be  mention 'd  that  hap 
pened  during  the  administration  of  Governor  Morris. 

1  My  acts  in  Morris's  time,  military,  etc, — Marg.  note. 


262  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

War  being  in  a  manner  commenced  with  France, 
the  government  of  Massachusetts  Bay  projected  an 
attack  upon  Crown  Point  and  sent  Mr.  Quincy  to 
Pennsylvania  and  Mr.  Pownall,  afterward  Governor 
Pownall,  to  New  York  to  solicit  assistance.  As  I  was 
in  the  Assembly,  knew  its  temper,  and  was  Mr. 
Quincy 's  countryman,  he  appli'd  to  me  for  my  in 
fluence  and  assistance.  I  dictated  his  address  to 
them,  which  was  well  receiv'd.  They  voted  an  aid 
of  ten  thousand  pounds,  to  be  laid  out  in  provisions. 
But  the  governor  refusing  his  assent  to  their  bill 
(which  included  this  with  other  sums  granted  for  the 
use  of  the  crown),  unless  a  clause  were  inserted  ex 
empting  the  proprietary  estate  from  bearing  any 
part  of  the  tax  that  would  be  necessary,  the  Assem 
bly,  tho'  very  desirous  of  making  their  grant  to  New 
England  effectual,  were  at  a  loss  how  to  accomplish 
it.  Mr.  Quincy  labored  hard  with  'the  governor  to 
obtain  his  assent,  but  he  was  obstinate. 

I  then  suggested  a  method  of  doing  the  business 
without  the  governor,  by  orders  on  the  trustees  of 
the  Loan  Office,  which,  by  law,  the  Assembly  had 
the  right  of  drawing.  There  was,  indeed,  little  or  no 
money  at  that  time  in  the  office  and  therefore  I  pro- 
pos'd  that  the  orders  should  be  payable  in  a  year,  and 
to  bear  an  interest  of  five  per  cent.  With  these 
orders  I  suppos'd  the  provisions  might  easily  be  pur- 
chas'd.  The  Assembly,  'with  very  little  hesitation, 
adopted  the  proposal.  The  orders  were  immediately 
printed  and  I  was  one  of  the  committee  directed  to 
sign  and  dispose  of  them.  The  fund  for  paying  them 
was  the  interest  of  all  the  paper  currency  then  extant 


1731-1757]          Benjamin  Franklin  263 

in  the  province  upon  loan,  together  with  the  revenue 
arising  from  the  excise,  which  being  known  to  be 
more  than  sufficient,  they  obtain 'd  instant  credit 
and  were  not  only  receiv'd  in  payment  for  the  pro 
visions,  but  many  money 'd  people,  who  had  cash 
lying  by  them,  vested  it  in  those  orders  which  they 
found  advantageous  as  they  bore  interest  while  upon 
hand  and  might  on  any  occasion  be  used  as  money; 
so  that  they  were  eagerly  all  bought  up  and  in  a  few 
weeks  none  of  them  were  to  be  seen.  Thus  this  im 
portant  affair  was  by  my  means  compleated.  Mr 
Quincy  return 'd  thanks  to  the  Assembly  in  a  hand 
some  memorial,  went  home  highly  pleas 'd  with  the 
success  of  his  embassy,  and  ever  after  bore  for  me 
the  most  cordial  and  affectionate  friendship. 

The  British  government,  not  chusing  to  permit  the 
union  of  the  colonies  as  propos'd  at  Albany,  and  to 
/.  trust  that  union  with  their  defense,  lest  they  should 
!  thereby  grow  too  military  and  feel  their  own  strength, 
suspicions  and  jealousies  at  this  time  being  enter 
tain 'd  of  them,  sent  over  General  Braddock  with  two 
regiments  of  regular  English  troops  for  that  purpose. 
He  landed  at  Alexandria,  in  Virginia,  and  thence 
march'd  to  Frederictown,  in  Maryland,  where  he 
halted  for  carriages.  Our  Assembly  apprehending 
from  some  information  that  he  had  conceived  vio 
lent  prejudices  against  them,  as  averse  to  the  service, 
wish'd  me  to  wait  upon  him,  not  as  from  them  but 
as  postmaster-general,  under  the  guise  of  proposing 
to  settle  with  him  the  mode  of  conducting  with  most 
celerity  and  certainty  the  despatches  between  him 
and  the  governors  of  the  several  provinces  with 


264  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

whom  he  must  necessarily  have  continual  correspond 
ence  and  of  which  they  propos'd  to  pay  the  expense. 
My  son  accompanied  me  on  this  journey. 

We  found  the  general  at  Frederictown,  waiting 
impatiently  for  the  return  of  those  he  had  sent  thro' 
the  back  parts  of  Maryland  and  Virginia  to  collect 
waggons.  I  stayed  with  him  several  days,  din'd 
with  him  daily,  and  had  full  opportunity  of  removing 
all  his  prejudices  by  the  information  of  what  the 
Assembly  had  before  his  arrival  actually  done  and 
were  still  willing  to  do  to  facilitate  his  operations. 
When  I  was  about  to  depart,  the  returns  of  waggons 
to  be  obtained  were  brought  in,  by  which  it  appear 'd 
that  they  amounted  only  to  twenty-five  and  not  all 
of  those  were  in  serviceable  condition.  The  general 
and  all  the  officers  were  surpris'd,  declar'd  the  ex 
pedition  was  then  at  an  end,  being  impossible;  and 
exclaim 'd  against  the  ministers  for  ignorantly  land 
ing  them  in  a  country  destitute  of  the  means  of  con 
veying  their  stores,  baggage,  etc.,  not  less  than  one 
hundred  and  fifty  waggons  being  necessary. 

I  happen 'd  to  say  I  thought  it  was  pity  they  had 
not  been  landed  rather  in  Pennsylvania,  as  in  that 
country  almost  every  farmer  had  his  waggon.  The 
general  eagerly  laid  hold  of  my  words,  and  said: 
"Then  you,  sir,  who  are  a  man  of  interest  there,  can 
probably  procure  them  for  us,  and  I  beg  you  will 
undertake  it."  I  ask'd  what  terms  were  to  be  offer 'd 
the  owners  of  the  waggons  and  I  was  desir'd  to  put 
on  paper  the  terms  that  appeared  to  me  necessary. 
This  I  did  and  they  were  agreed  to  and  a  commission 
and  instructions  accordingly  prepar'd  immediately. 


1731-1757]          Benjamin  Franklin  265 

What  those  terms  were  will  appear  in  the  advertise 
ment  I  publish 'd  as  soon  as  I  arriv'd  at  Lancaster, 
which  being,  from  the  great  and  sudden  effect  it  pro- 
duc'd,  a  piece  of  some  curiosity,  I  shall  insert  it  at 
length,  as  follows: 

"  ADVERTISEMENT 

"LANCASTER,  April  26,  1755. 

"Whereas,  one  hundred  and  fifty  waggons,  with 
four  horses  to  each  waggon,  and  fifteen  hundred  sad 
dle  or  pack  horses,  are  wanted  for  the  service  of  his 
majesty's  forces  now  about  to  rendezvous  at  Will's 
Creek  and  his  excellency  General  Braddock  having 
been  pleased  to  empower  me  to  contract  for  the  hire 
of  the  same  I  hereby  give  notice  that  I  shall  attend 
for  that  purpose  at  Lancaster  from  this  day  to  next 
Wednesday  evening,  and  at  York  from  next  Thurs 
day  morning  till  Friday  evening,  where  I  shall  be 
ready  to  agree  for  waggons  and  teams  or  single 
horses,  on  the  following  terms,  viz.:  i.  That  there 
shall  be  paid  for  each  waggon  with  four  good  horses 
and  a  driver,  fifteen  shillings  per  diem ;  and  for  each 
able  horse  with  a  pack-saddle,  or  other  saddle  and 
furniture,  two  shillings  per  diem;  and  for  each  able 
horse  without  a  saddle,  eighteen  pence  per  diem.  2. 
That  the  pay  commence  from  the  time  of  their  join 
ing  the  forces  at  Will's  Creek,  which  must  be  on  or 
before  the  2oth  of  May  ensuing,  and  that  a  reasonable 
allowance  be  paid  over  and  above  for  the  time  neces 
sary  for  their  travelling  to  Will's  Creek  and  home 
again  after  their  discharge.  3.  Each  waggon  and 
team,  and  every  saddle  or  pack  horse  is  to  be  valued 


266  Autobiography  of 

by  indifferent  persons  chosen  between  me  and  the 
owner;  and  in  case  of  the  loss  of  any  waggon,  team, 
or  other  horse  in  the  service  the  price  according  to 
such  valuation  is  to  be  allowed  and  paid.  4.  Seven 
days'  pay  is  to  be  advanced  and  paid  in  hand  by  me 
to  the  owner  of  each  waggon  and  team,  or  horse,  at 
the  time  of  contracting,  if  required,  and  the  remain 
der  to  be  paid  by  General  Braddock,  or  by  the  pay 
master  of  the  army  at  the  time  of  their  discharge,  or 
from  time  to  time,  as  it  shall  be  demanded.  5.  No 
drivers  of  waggons  or  persons  taking  care  of  the 
hired  horses  are  on  any  account  to  be  called  upon  to 
do  the  duty  of  soldiers  or  be  otherwise  employed 
than  in  conducting  or  taking  care  of  their  carriages 
or  horses.  6.  All  oats,  Indian  corn  or  other  forage 
that  waggons  or  horses  bring  to  the  camp  more  than 
is  necessary  for  the  subsistence  of  the  horses,  is  to  be 
taken  for  the  use  of  the  army  and  a  reasonable  price 
paid  for  the  same. 

"  Note. — My  son,  William  Franklin,  is  empowered 
to  enter  into  like  contracts  with  any  person  in  Cum 
berland  county. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Counties  of  Lancaster, 
York,  and  Cumberland. 

"FRIENDS  AND  COUNTRYMEN: 

"  Being  occasionally  at  the  camp  at  Frederic  a  few 
days  since,  I  found  the  general  and  officers  extremely 
exasperated  on  account  of  their  not  being  supplied 
with  horses  and  carriages  which  had  been  expected 


1731-1757]  Benjamin  Franklin  267 

from  this  province,  as  most  able  to  furnish  them; 
but,  through  the  dissensions  between  our  governor 
and  Assembly,  money  had  not  been  provided  nor 
any  steps  taken  for  that  purpose. 

"  It  was  proposed  to  send  an  armed  force  immedi 
ately  into  these  counties  to  seize  as  many  of  the 
best  carriages  and  horses  as  should  be  wanted  and 
compel  as  many  persons  into  the  service  as  would  be 
necessary  to  drive  and  take  care  of  them. 

"  I  apprehended  that  the  progress  of  British  sol 
diers  through  these  counties  on  such  an  occasion, 
especially  considering  the  temper  they  are  in  and 
their  resentment  against  us,  would  be  attended  with 
many  and  great  inconveniences  to  the  inhabitants, 
v\nd  therefore  more  willingly  took  the  trouble  of 
trying  first  what  might  be  done  by  fair  and  equitable 
means.  The  people  of  these  back  counties  have 
lately  complained  to  the  Assembly  that  a  sufficient 
currency  was  wanting;  you  have  an  opportunity  of 
receiving  and  dividing  among  you  a  very  consider 
able  sum,  for,  if  the  service  of  this  expedition  should 
continue,  as  it  is  more  than  probable  it  will,  for  one 
hundred  and  twenty  days,  the  hire  of  these  waggons 
and  horses  will  amount  to  upward  of  thirty  thousand 
pounds  which  will  be  paid  you  in  silver  and  gold  of 
the  king's  money. 

"The  service  will  be  light  and  easy,  for  the  army 
will  scarce  march  above  twelve  miles  per  day  and 
the  waggons  and  baggage-horses,  as  they  carry  those 
things  that  are  absolutely  necessary  to  the  welfare  of 
the  army,  must  march  with  the  army  and  no  faster ; 
and  are,  for  the  army's  sake,  always  placed  where 


268  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

they  can  be  most  secure,  whether  in  a  march  or  in 
a  camp. 

"  If  you  are  really,  as  I  believe  you  are,  good  and 
loyal  subjects  to  his  majesty  you  may  now  do  a  most 
acceptable  service  and  make  it  easy  to  yourselves; 
for  three  or  four  of  such  as  cannot  separately  spare 
from  the  business  of  their  plantations  a  waggon  and 
four  horses  and  a  driver,  may  do  it  together,  one 
furnishing  the  waggon,  another  one  or  two  horses, 
and  another  the  driver  and  divide  the  pay  propor- 
tionably  between  you ;  but  if  you  do  not  this  service 
to  your  king  and  country  voluntarily  when  such  good 
pay  and  reasonable  terms  are  offered  to  you,  your 
loyalty  will  be  strongly  suspected.  The  king's  busi 
ness  must  be  done;  so  many  brave  troops,  come  so 
far  for  your  defense,  must  not  stand  idle  through 
your  backwardness  to  do  what  may  be  reasonably 
expected  from  you ;  waggons  and  horses  must  be  had ; 
violent  measures  will  probably  be  used,  and  you  will 
be  left  to  seek  for  a  recompense  where  you  can  find 
it,  and  your  case,  perhaps,  be  little  pitied  or  regarded. 

"I  have  no  particular  interest  in  this  affair,  as, 
except  the  satisfaction  of  endeavoring  to  do  good, 
I  shall  have  only  my  labor  for  my  pains.  If  this 
method  of  obtaining  the  waggons  and  horses  is  not 
likely  to  succeed  I  am  obliged  to  send  word  to  the 
general  in  fourteen  days  and  I  suppose  Sir  John  St. 
Clair,  the  hussar,  with  a  body  of  soldiers,  will  im 
mediately  enter  the  province  for  the  purpose,  which 
I  shall  be  sorry  to  hear  because  I  am  very  sincerely 
and  truly  your  friend  and  well-wisher, 

"B    FRANKLIN," 


Benjamin  Franklin  269 

I  received  of  the  general  about  eight  hundred 
pounds,  to  be  disbursed  in  advance-money  to  the 
waggon  owners,  etc. ;  but  that  sum  being  insuffi 
cient  I  advanc'd  upward  of  two  hundred  pounds 
more,  and  in  two  weeks  the  one  hundred  and  fifty 
waggons,  with  two  hundred  and  fifty-nine  carrying 
horses,  were  on  their  march  for  the  camp.  The 
advertisement  promised  payment  according  to  the 
valuation  in  case  any  waggon  or  horse  should  be 
lost.  The  owners,  however,  alleging  they  did  not 
know  General  Braddock,  or  what  dependence  might 
be  had  on  his  promise,  insisted  on  my  bond  for  the 
performance,  which  I  accordingly  gave  them. 

While  I  was  at  the  camp,  supping  one  evening 
with  the  officers  of  Colonel  Dunbar's  regiment,  he  re 
presented  to  me  his  concern  for  the  subalterns  who, 
he  said,  were  generally  not  in  affluence  and  could 
ill  afford,  in  this  dear  country,  to  lay  in  the  stores 
that  might  be  necessary  in  so  long  a  march,  thro'  a 
wilderness  where  nothing  was  to  be  purchas'd.  I 
commiserated  their  case  and  resolved  to  endeavor 
procuring  them  some  relief.  I  said  nothing,  however, 
to  him  of  my  intention,  but  wrote  the  next  morning 
to  the  committee  of  the  Assembly  who  had  the  dis 
position  of  some  public  money,  warmly  recommend 
ing  the  case  of  these  officers  to  their  consideration 
and  proposing  that  a  present  should  be  sent  them 
of  necessaries  and  refreshments.  My  son,  who  had 
some  experience  of  a  camp  life  and  of  its  wants, 
drew  up  a  list  for  me  which  I  enclos'd  in  my  letter. 
The  committee  appro v'd  and  used  such  diligence 
that,  conducted  by  my  son,  the  stores  arrived  at  the 


270  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

camp  as  soon  as  the  waggons.     They  consisted  of 
twenty  parcels,  each  containing: 

6  Ibs.  loaf  sugar.  i  Gloucester  cheese. 

6  Ibs.  good  Muscovado  do.  i  kegg  containing  20  Ibs. 
i  Ib.  good  green  tea.  good  butter, 

i  Ib.  good  bohea  do.  2  doz.  old  Madeira  wine. 

6  Ibs.  good  ground  coffee.  2  gallons  Jamaica  spirits. 

6  Ibs.  chocolate.  2  well-cur 'd  hams. 

1-2  cwt.  best  white  biscuit.  i  bottle  flour  of  mustard. 

1-2  Ib.  pepper.  1-2  dozen  dry'd  tongues. 

i  quart  best  white  wine  vine-  6  Ibs.  rice, 

gar.  6  Ibs.  raisins. 

These  twenty  parcels,  well  pack'd,  were  placed  on 
as  many  horses,  each  parcel,  with  the  horse,  being 
intended  as  a  present  for  one  officer.  They  were  very 
thankfully  receiv'd  and  the  kindness  acknowledg'd 
by  letters  to  me  from  the  colonels  of  both  regiments, 
in  the  most  grateful  terms.  The  general,  too,  was 
highly  satisfied  with  my  conduct  in  procuring  him 
the  waggons,  etc.,  and  readily  paid  my  account  of 
disbursements,  thanking  me  repeatedly  and  request 
ing  my  farther  assistance  in  sending  provisions  after 
him.  I  undertook  this  also  and  was  busily  employ 'd 
in  it  till  we  heard  of  his  defeat,  advancing  for  the 
service  my  own  money,  upwards  of  one  thousand 
pounds  sterling,  of  which  I  sent  him  an  account.  It 
came  to  his  hands,  luckily  for  me,  a  few  days  before 
the  battle  and  he  return 'd  me  immediately  an  order 
on  the  paymaster  for  the  round  sum  of  one  thousand 
pounds,  leaving  the  remainder  to  the  next  account. 
I  consider  this  payment  as  good  luck,  having  never 


i73l~I757]          Benjamin  Franklin  271 

been  able  to  obtain  that  remainder,  of  which  more 
hereafter. 

This  general  was,  I  think,  a  brave  man  and  might 
probably  have  made  a  figure  as  a  good  officer  in  some 
European  war.  But  he  had  too  much  self-confidence, 
too  high  an  opinion  of  the  validity  of  regular  troops, 
and  too  mean  a  one  of  both  Americans  and  Indians. 
George  Croghan,  our  Indian  interpreter,  join'd  him 
on  his  march  with  one  hundred  of  those  people  who 
might  have  been  of  great  use  to  his  army  as  guides, 
scouts,  etc.,  if  he  had  treated  them  kindly,  but  he 
slighted  and  neglected  them,  and  they  gradually  left 
him. 

In  conversation  with  him  one  day,  he  was  giving 
me  some  account  of  his  intended  progress.  "  After 
taking  Fort  Duquesne,"  says  he,  "I  am  to  proceed 
to  Niagara,  and,  having  taken  that,  to  Frontenac,  if 
the  season  will  allow  time ;  and  I  suppose  it  will  for 
Duquesne  can  hardly  detain  me  above  three  or  four 
days,  and  then  I  see  nothing  that  can  obstruct  my 
march  to  Niagara."  Having  before  revolv'd  in  my 
mind  the  long  line  his  army  must  make  in  their  march 
by  a  very  narrow  road  to  be  cut  for  them  thro'  the 
woods  and  bushes,  and  also  what  I  had  read  of  a 
former  defeat  of  fifteen  hundred  French  who  invaded 
the  Iroquois  country  I  had  conceiv'd  some  doubts 
and  some  fears  for  the  event  of  the  campaign.  But 
I  ventur'd  only  to  say:  "To  be  sure,  sir,  if  you  ar 
rive  well  before  Duquesne  with  these  fine  troops,  so 
well  provided  with  artillery,  that  place,  not  yet  com- 
pleatly  fortified,  and  as  we  hear  with  no  very  strong 
garrison,  can  probably  make  but  a  short  resistance. 


272  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

The  only  danger  I  apprehend  of  obstruction  to  your 
march  is  from  ambuscades  of  Indians,  who,  by 
constant  practice,  are  dexterous  in  laying  and 
executing  them;  and  the  slender  line,  near  four 
miles  long,  which  your  army  must  make,  may  ex 
pose  it  to  be  attack 'd  by  surprise  in  its  flanks  and 
to  be  cut  like  a  thread  into  several  pieces  which, 
from  their  distance,  can  not  come  up  in  time  to  sup 
port  each  other." 

He  smil'd  at  my  ignorance  and  reply 'd:  "  These 
savages  may,  indeed,  be  a  formidable  enemy  to  your 
raw  American  militia  but  upon  the  king's  regular 
and  disciplin'd  troops,  sir,  it  is  impossible  they  should 
make  any  impression."  I  was  conscious  of  an  im 
propriety  in  my  disputing  with  a  military  man  in 
matters  of  his  profession  and  said  no  more.  The 
enemy,  however,  did  not  take  the  advantage  of  his 
army  which  I  apprehended  its  long  line  of  march  ex 
pos 'd  it  to  but  let  it  advance  without  interruption 
till  within  nine  miles  of  the  place,  and  then,  when 
more  in  a  body  (for  it  had  just  passed  a  river  where 
the  front  had  halted  till  all  were  come  over),  and  in 
a  more  open  part  of  the  woods  than  any  it  had  pass'd, 
attack 'd  its  advanced  guard  by  a  heavy  fire  from 
behind  trees  and  bushes,  which  was  the  first  intelli 
gence  the  general  had  of  an  enemy's  being  near  him. 
This  guard  being  disordered,  the  general  hurried  the 
troops  up  to  their  assistance,  which  was  done  in  great 
confusion  thro'  waggons,  baggage,  and  cattle;  and 
presently  the  fire  came  upon  their  flank :  the  officers, 
being  on  horseback,  were  more  easily  distinguish 'd, 
pick'd  out  as  marks  and  fell  very  fast  and  the  soldiers 


Benjamin  Franklin  273 

were  crowded  together  in  a  huddle,  having  or  hear 
ing  no  orders  and  standing  to  be  shot  at  till  two 
thirds  of  them  were  killed,  and  then,  being  seiz'd 
with  a  panick,  the  whole  fled  with  precipitation. 

The  waggoners  took  each  a  horse  out  of  his  team 
and  scamper 'd;  their  example  was  immediately  fol 
lowed  by  others,  so  that  all  the  waggons,  provisions, 
artillery  and  stores  were  left  to  the  enemy.  The 
general,  being  wounded,  was  brought  off  with  diffi 
culty;  his  secretary,  Mr.  Shirley,  was  killed  by  his 
side,  and  out  of  eighty-six  officers,  sixty-three  were 
killed  or  wounded  and  seven  hundred  and  fourteen 
men  killed  out  of  eleven  hundred.  These  eleven 
hundred  had  been  picked  men  from  the  whole  army ; 
the  rest  had  been  left  behind  with  Colonel  Dunbar, 
who  was  to  follow  with  the  heavier  part  of  the  stores, 
provisions  and  baggage.  The  flyers,  not  being  pur- 
su'd,  arriv'd  at  Dunbar's  camp  and  the  panick  they 
brought  with  them  instantly  seiz'd  him  and  all  his 
people,  and,  tho'  he  had  now  above  one  thousand 
men,  and  the  enemy  who  had  beaten  Braddock  did 
not  at  most  exceed  four  hundred  Indians  and  French 
together,  instead  of  proceeding  and  endeavoring  to 
recover  some  of  the  lost  honour,  he  ordered  all  the 
stores,  ammunition,  etc.,  to  be  destroy 'd  that  he 
might  have  more  horses  to  assist  his  flight  towards 
the  settlements  and  less  lumber  to  remove.  He  was 
there  met  with  requests  from  the  governors  of  Vir 
ginia,  Maryland,  and  Pennsylvania  that  he  would 
post  his  troops  on  the  frontiers  so  as  to  afford  some 
protection  to  the  inhabitants,  but  he  continu'd  his 
hasty  march  thro'  all  the  country,  not  thinking 

VOL.  I.— 18- 


274  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

himself  safe  till  he  arriv'd  at  Philadelphia  where  the 
inhabitants  could  protect  him.  This  whole  transac 
tion  gave  us  Americans  the  first  suspicion  that  our 
exalted  ideas  of  the  prowess  of  British  regulars  had 
not  been  well  founded. 

In  their  first  march,  too,  from  their  landing  till 
they  got  beyond  the  settlements,  they  had  plundered 
and  stripped  the  inhabitants,  totally  ruining  some 
poor  families,  besides  insulting,  abusing,  and  con 
fining  the  people  if  they  remonstrated.  This  was 
enough  to  put  us  out  of  conceit  of  such  defenders  if 
we  had  really  wanted  any.  How  different  was  the 
conduct  of  our  French  friends  in  1781,  who,  during 
a  march  thro'  the  most  inhabited  part  of  our  country 
from  Rhode  Island  to  Virginia,  near  seven  hundred 
miles,  occasioned  not  the  smallest  complaint  for  the 
loss  of  a  pig,  a  chicken,  or  even  an  apple. 

Captain  Orme,  who  was  one  of  the  general's 
aids-de-camp,  and,  being  grievously  wounded,  was 
brought  off  with  him  and  continu'd  with  him  to  his 
death,  which  happen 'd  in  a  few  days,  told  me  that 
he  was  totally  silent  all  the  first  day,  and  at  night 
only  said,  "Who  would  have  thought  it?"  That  he 
was  silent  again  the  following  day,  saying  only  at 
last,  "  We  shall  better  know  how  to  deal  with  them 
another  time" ;  and  dy'd  in  a  few  minutes  after. 

The  secretary's  papers  with  all  the  general's 
orders,  instructions,  and  correspondence,  falling  into 
the  enemy's  hands,  they  selected  and  translated  into 
French  a  number  of  the  articles  which  they  printed, 
to  prove  the  hostile  intentions  of  the  British  court 
before  the  declaration  of  war.  Among  these  I  saw 


1731-1757]  Benjamin  Franklin  275 

some  letters  of  the  general  to  the  ministry  speaking 
highly  of  the  great  service  I  had  rendered  the  army, 
and  recommending  me  to  their  notice.  David  Hume, 
too,  who  was  some  years  after  secretary  to  Lord 
Hertford  when  minister  in  France  and  afterward  to 
General  Con  way  when  secretary  of  state,  told  me  he 
had  seen  among  the  papers  in  that  office,  letters  from 
Braddock  highly  recommending  me.  But,  the  ex 
pedition  having  been  unfortunate,  my  service,  it 
seems,  was  not  thought  of  much  value,  for  those 
recommendations  were  never  of  any  use  to  me. 

As  to  rewards  from  himself,  I  ask'd  only  one,  which 
was,  that  he  would  give  orders  to  his  officers  not  to 
enlist  any  more  of  our  bought  servants  and  that  he 
would  discharge  such  as  had  been  already  enlisted. 
This  he  readily  granted  and  several  were  accord 
ingly  return 'd  to  their  masters,  on  my  application. 
Dunbar,  when  the  command  devolv'd  on  him,  was 
not  so  generous.  He  being  at  Philadelphia  on  his 
retreat,  or  rather  flight,  I  apply 'd  to  him  for  the  dis 
charge  of  the  servants  of  three  poor  farmers  of  Lan 
caster  county  that  he  had  enlisted,  reminding  him 
of  the  late  general's  orders  on  that  head.  He  pro 
mised  me  that,  if  the  masters  would  come  to  him  at 
Trenton,  where  he  should  be  in  a  few  days  on  his 
march  to  New  York,  he  would  there  deliver  their 
men  to  them.  They  accordingly  were  at  the  expense 
and  trouble  of  going  to  Trenton  and  there  he  refus'd 
to  perform  his  promise,  to  their  great  loss  and  dis 
appointment. 

As  soon  as  the  loss  of  the  waggons  and  horses  was 
generally  known,  all  the  owners  came  upon  me  for 


276  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

the  valuation  which  I  had  given  bond  to  pay.  Their 
demands  gave  me  a  great  deal  of  trouble,  my  ac 
quainting  them  that  the  money  was  ready  in  the 
paymaster's  hands,  but  that  orders  for  paying  it 
must  first  be  obtained  from  General  Shirley,  and  my 
assuring  them  that  I  had  apply 'd  to  that  general  by 
letter;  but,  he  being  at  a  distance,  an  answer  could 
not  soon  be  receiv'd,  and  they  must  have  patience, 
all  this  was  not  sufficient  to  satisfy,  and  some  began 
to  sue  me.  General  Shirley  at  length  relieved  me 
from  this  terrible  situation  by  appointing  commis 
sioners  to  examine  the  claims,  and  ordering  pay 
ment.  They  amounted  to  near  twenty  thousand 
pound,  which  to  pay  would  have  ruined  me. 

Before  we  had  the  news  of  this  defeat  the  two 
Doctors  Bond  came  to  me  with  a  subscription  paper 
for  raising  money  to  defray  the  expense  of  a  grand 
firework  which  it  was  intended  to  exhibit  at  a  re 
joicing  on  receipt  of  the  news  of  our  taking  Fort 
Duquesne.  I  looked  grave,  and  said  it  would,  I 
thought,  be  time  enough  to  prepare  for  the  rejoicing 
when  we  knew  we  should  have  occasion  to  rejoice. 
They  seem'd  surpris'd  that  I  did  not  immediately 
comply  with  their  proposal.  "  Why  the  d — 1! "  says 
one  of  them,  "you  surely  don't  suppose  that  the 
fort  will  not  be  taken?"  "I  don't  know  that 
it  will  not  be  taken  but  I  know  that  the  events 
of  war  are  subject  to  great  uncertainty."  I  gave 
them  the  reasons  of  my  doubting;  the  subscription 
was  dropt,  and  the  projectors  thereby  missed  the 
mortification  they  would  have  undergone  if  the 
firework  had  been  prepared.  Dr.  Bond,  on  some 


*73I~I757]  Benjamin  Franklin  277 

other  occasion  afterward,  said  that  he  did  not  like 
Franklin's  forebodings. 

Governor  Morris,  who  had  continually  worried  the 
Assembly  with  message  after  message  before  the 
defeat  of  Braddock,  to  beat  them  into  the  making 
of  acts  to  raise  money  for  the  defense  of  the  province, 
without  taxing,  among  others,  the  proprietary  es 
tates,  and  had  rejected  all  their  bills  for  not  having 
such  an  exempting  clause,  now  redoubled  his  attacks 
with  more  hope  of  success,  the  danger  and  necessity 
being  greater.  The  Assembly,  however,  continu'd 
firm,  believing  they  had  justice  on  their  side  and 
that  it  would  be  giving  up  an  essential  right  if  they 
suffered  the  governor  to  amend  their  money-bills. 
In  one  of  the  last,  indeed,  which  was  for  granting 
fifty  thousand  pounds,  his  propos'd  amendment  was 
only  of  a  single  word.  The  bill  express 'd  "that  all 
estates,  real  and  personal,  were  to  be  taxed,  those 
of  the  proprietaries  not  excepted."  His  amendment 
was,  for  not  read  only:  a  small,  but  very  material 
alteration.  However,  when  the  news  of  this  disaster 
reached  England,  our  friends  there,  whom  we  had 
taken  care  to  furnish  with  all  the  Assembly's  answers 
to  the  governor's  messages,  rais'd  a  clamor  against 
the  proprietaries  for  their  meanness  and  injustice  in 
giving  their  governor  such  instructions;  some  going 
so  far  as  to  say  that,  by  obstructing  the  defense  of 
their  province,  they  forfeited  their  right  to  it.  They 
were  intimidated  by  this  and  sent  orders  to  their 
receiver-general  to  add  five  thousand  pounds  of  their 
money  to  whatever  sum  might  be  given  by  the 
Assembly  for  such  purpose. 


278  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

This  being  notified  to  the  House,  was  accepted  in 
lieu  of  their  share  of  a  general  tax,  and  a  new  bill 
was  form'd  with  an  exempting  clause  which  passed 
accordingly.  By  this  act  I  was  appointed  one  of 
the  commissioners  for  disposing  of  the  money,  sixty 
thousand  pounds.  I  had  been  active  in  modelling 
the  bill  and  procuring  its  passage  and  had,  at  the 
same  time  drawn  a  bill  for  establishing  and  disci 
plining  a  voluntary  militia  which  I  carried  thro'  the 
House  without  much  difficulty,  as  care  was  taken  in 
it  to  leave  the  Quakers  at  their  liberty.  To  promote 
the  association  necessary  to  form  the  militia,  I  wrote 
a  dialogue,1  stating  and  answering  all  the  objections 
I  could  think  of,  to  such  a  militia,  which  was  printed, 
and  had,  as  I  thought,  great  effect. 

While  the  several  companies  in  the  city  and 
country  were  forming,  and  learning  their  exercise, 
the  governor  prevail'd  with  me  to  take  charge  of  our 
North-western  frontier  which  was  infested  by  the 
enemy,  and  provide  for  the  defense  of  the  inhabitants 
by  raising  troops  and  building  a  line  of  forts.  I  un 
dertook  this  military  business  tho'  I  did  not  conceive 
myself  well  qualified  for  it.  He  gave  me  a  commis 
sion  with  full  powers  and  a  parcel  of  blank  com 
missions  for  officers  to  be  given  to  whom  I  thought 
fit.  I  had  but  little  difficulty  in  raising  men,  having 
soon  five  hundred  and  sixty  under  my  command. 
My  son,  who  had  in  the  preceding  war,  been  an  officer 
in  the  army  rais'd  against  Canada,  was  my  aid-de 
camp,  and  of  great  use  to  me.  The  Indians  had 

1  This  dialogue  and  the  militia  act  are  in  the  Gentleman's  Magazine 
for  February  and  March,  1756. — Marg.  note. 


1731-1757]  Benjamin  Franklin  279 

burned  Gnadenhut,  a  village  settled  by  the  Moravi 
ans,  and  massacred  the  inhabitants;  but  the  place 
was  thought  a  good  situation  for  one  of  the  forts. 

In  order  to  march  thither,  I  assembled  the  com 
panies  at  Bethlehem,  the  chief  establishment  of  those 
people.  I  was  surprised  to  find  it  in  so  good  a 
posture  of  defense;  the  destruction  of  Gnadenhut 
had  made  them  apprehend  danger.  The  principal 
buildings  were  defended  by  a  stockade;  they  had 
purchased  a  quantity  of  arms  and  ammunition  from 
New  York  and  had  even  plac'd  quantities  of  small 
paving  stones  between  the  windows  of  their  high 
stone  houses  for  their  women  to  throw  down  upon 
the  heads  of  any  Indians  that  should  attempt  to 
force  into  them.  The  armed  brethren,  too,  kept 
watch  and  reliev'd  as  methodically  as  in  any  garri 
son  town.  In  conversation  with  the  bishop,  Spang- 
enberg,  I  mentioned  this  my  surprise;  for,  knowing 
they  had  obtained  an  act  of  Parliament  exempting 
them  from  military  duties  in  the  colonies,  I  had  sup- 
pos'd  they  were  conscientiously  scrupulous  of  bear 
ing  arms.  He  answer 'd  me  that  it  was  not  one  of 
their  established  principles,  but  that,  at  the  time  of 
their  obtaining  that  act,  it  was  thought  to  be  a  prin 
ciple  with  many  of  their  people.  On  this  occasion, 
however,  they,  to  their  surprise,  found  it  adopted 
by  but  a  few.  It  seems  they  were  either  deceiv'd  in 
themselves  or  deceiv'd  in  the  Parliament,  but  com 
mon  sense,  aided  by  present  danger,  will  sometimes 
be  too  strong  for  whimsical  opinions. 

It  was  the  beginning  of  January  when  we  set  out 
upon  this  business  of  building  forts.  I  sent  one 


280  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

detachment  toward  the  Minisink  with  instructions  to 
erect  one  for  the  security  of  that  upper  part  of  the 
country,  and  another  to  the  lower  part,  with  similar 
instructions  and  I  concluded  to  go  myself  with  the 
rest  of  my  force  to  Gnadenhut  where  a  fort  was  tho't 
more  immediately  necessary.  The  Moravians  pro- 
cur 'd  me  five  waggons  for  our  tools,  stores,baggage,etc. 

Just  before  we  left  Bethlehem,  eleven  farmers  who 
had  been  driven  from  their  plantations  by  the  In 
dians,  came  to  me  requesting  a  supply  of  firearms, 
that  they  might  go  back  and  fetch  off  their  cattle. 
I  gave  them  each  a  gun  with  suitable  ammunition. 
We  had  not  march'd  many  miles  before  it  began  to 
rain  and  it  continued  raining  all  day;  there  were  no 
habitations  on  the  road  to  shelter  us  till  we  arriv'd 
near  night  at  the  house  of  a  German,  where,  and  in 
his  barn,  we  were  all  huddled  together,  as  wet  as 
water  could  make  us.  It  was  well  we  were  not  at 
tack 'd  in  our  march  for  our  arms  were  of  the  most 
ordinary  sort  and  our  men  could  not  keep  their  gun 
locks  dry.  The  Indians  are  dextrous  in  contrivances 
for  that  purpose,  which  we  had  not.  They  met  that 
day  the  eleven  poor  farmers  above  mentioned  and 
killed  ten  of  them.  The  one  who  escap'd  inform 'd 
that  his  and  his  companions'  guns  would  not  go  off, 
the  priming  being  wet  with  the  rain. 

The  next  day  being  fair,  we  continu'd  our  march 
and  arriv'd  at  the  desolated  Gnadenhut.  There  was 
a  saw-mill  near,  round  which  were  left  several  piles 
of  boards  with  which  we  soon  hutted  ourselves;  an 
operation  the  more  necessary  at  that  inclement 
season  as  we  had  no  tents.  Our  first  work  was  to 


i73I~I757]  Benjamin  Franklin  281 

bury  more  effectually  the  dead  we  found  there,  who 
had  been  half  interr'd  by  the  country  people. 

The  next  morning  our  fort  was  plann'd  and  mark'd 
out,  the  circumference  measuring  four  hundred  and 
fifty-five  feet,  which  would  require  as  many  palisades 
to  be  made  of  trees,  one  with  another,  of  a  foot 
diameter  each.  Our  axes,  of  which  we  had  seventy, 
were  immediately  set  to  work  to  cut  down  trees,  and, 
our  men  being  dexterous  in  the  use  of  them,  great 
despatch  was  made.  Seeing  the  trees  fall  so  fast, 
I  had  the  curiosity  to  look  at  my  watch  when  two 
men  began  to  cut  at  a  pine;  in  six  minutes  they 
had  it  upon  the  ground  and  I  found  it  of  fourteen 
inches  diameter.  Each  pine  made  three  palisades  of 
eighteen  feet  long,  pointed  at  one  end.  While  these 
were  preparing,  our  other  men  dug  a  trench  all  round, 
of  three  feet  deep  in  which  the  palisades  were  to  be 
planted,  and  our  waggons,  the  body  being  taken  off, 
and  the  fore  and  hind  wheels  separated  by  taking 
out  the  pin  which  united  the  two  parts  of  the  perch, 
we  had  ten  carriages,  with  two  horses  each,  to  bring 
the  palisades  from  the  woods  to  the  spot.  When 
they  were  set  up,  our  carpenters  built  a  stage  of 
boards  all  round  within,  about  six  feet  high,  for  the 
men  to  stand  on  when  to  fire  thro'  the  loopholes. 
We  had  one  swivel  gun,  which  we  mounted  on  one  of 
the  angles,  and  fir'd  it  as  soon  as  fix'd,  to  let  the  In 
dians  know,  if  any  were  within  hearing,  that  we  had 
such  pieces;  and  thus  our  fort,  if  such  a  magnificent 
name  may  be  given  to  so  miserable  a  stockade,  was 
finish'd  in  a  week,  though  it  rain'd  so  hard  every 
other  day  that  the  men  could  not  work. 


282  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

This  gave  me  occasion  to  observe  that,  when  men 
are  employ  'd,  they  are  best  content  'd;  for  on  the 
days  they  work'd  they  were  good-natur'd  and  cheer 
ful  and,  with  the  consciousness  of  having  done  a 
good  day's  work,  they  spent  the  evening  jollily;  but 
on  our  idle  days  they  were  mutinous  and  quarrel 
some,  finding  fault  with  their  pork,  the  bread,  etc., 
and  in  continual  ill-humor,  which  put  me  in  mind  of 
a  sea-captain,  whose  rule  it  was  to  keep  his  men  con 
stantly  at  work,  and,  when  his  mate  once  told  him 
that  they  had  done  every  thing,  and  there  was  no 
thing  further  to  employ  them  about,  "  Oh,"  says  he, 
"make  them  scour  the  anchor." 

This  kind  of  fort,  however  contemptible,  is  a  suffi 
cient  defence  against  Indians  who  have  no  cannon. 
Finding  ourselves  now  posted  securely  and  having 
a  place  to  retreat  to  on  occasion,  we  ventur'd  out 
in  parties  to  scour  the  adjacent  country.  We  met 
with  no  Indians  but  we  found  the  places  on  the 
neighboring  hills  where  they  had  lain  to  watch  our 
proceedings.  There  was  an  art  in  their  contrivance 
of  those  places  that  seems  worth  mention.  It  being 
winter,  a  fire  was  necessary  for  them ;  but  a  common 
fire  on  the  surface  of  the  ground  would  by  its  light 
have  discover 'd  their  position  at  a  distance.  They 
had  therefore  dug  holes  in  the  ground  about  three 
feet  diameter,  and  somewhat  deeper;  we  saw  where 
they  had  with  their  hatchets  cut  off  the  charcoal 
from  the  sides  of  burnt  logs  lying  in  the  woods. 
With  these  coals  they  had  made  small  fires  in  the 
bottom  of  the  holes,  and  we  observ'd  among  the 
weeds  and  grass  the  prints  of  their  bodies,  made  by 


1731-1757]          Benjamin  Franklin  283 

their  lying  all  round,  with  their  legs  hanging  down 
in  the  holes  to  keep  their  feet  warm,  which,  with 
them,  is  an  essential  point.  This  kind  of  fire,  so 
manag'd,  could  not  discover  them,  either  by  its  light, 
flame,  sparks,  or  even  smoke;  it  appear 'd  that  their 
number  was  not  great,  and  it  seems  they  saw  we 
were  too  many  to  be  attacked  by  them  with  prospect 
of  advantage. 

We  had  for  our  chaplain  a  zealous  Presbyterian 
minister,  Mr.  Beatty,  who  complained  to  me  that 
the  men  did  not  generally  attend  his  prayers  and 
exhortations.  When  they  enlisted,  they  were  pro 
mised,  besides  pay  and  provisions,  a  gill  of  rum  a  day, 
which  was  punctually  serv'd  out  to  them,  half  in  the 
morning,  and  the  other  half  in  the  evening;  and  I 
observ'd  they  were  as  punctual  in  attending  to  re 
ceive  it;  upon  which  I  said  to  Mr.  Beatty:  "It  is, 
perhaps,  below  the  dignity  of  your  profession  to  act 
as  steward  of  the  rum  but  if  you  were  to  deal  it  out 
only  just  after  prayers,  you  would  have  them  all 
about  you."  He  liked  the  tho't,  undertook  the 
office,  and,  with  the  help  of  a  few  hands  to  measure 
out  the  liquor,  executed  it  to  satisfaction  and  never 
were  prayers  more  generally  and  more  punctually 
attended;  so  that  I  thought  this  method  preferable 
to  the  punishment  inflicted  by  some  military  laws 
for  non-attendance  on  divine  service. 

I  had  hardly  fmish'd  this  business,  and  got  my 
.fort  well  stor'd  with  provisions,  when  I  receiv'd  a 
letter  from  the  governor  acquainting  me  that  he  had 
call'd  the  Assembly  and  wished  my  attendance  there, 
if  the  posture  of  affairs  on  the  frontiers  was  such  that 


284  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

my  remaining  there  was  no  longer  necessary.  My 
friends,  too,  of  the  Assembly,  pressing  me  by  theii 
letters  to  be,  if  possible,  at  the  meeting,  and  my 
three  intended  forts  being  now  compleated  and  the 
inhabitants  contented  to  remain  on  their  farms  under 
that  protection,  I  resolved  to  return;  the  more  will 
ingly  as  a  New  England  officer,  Colonel  Clapham, 
experienced  in  Indian  war,  being  on  a  visit  to  our  es 
tablishment,  consented  to  accept  the  command.  I 
gave  him  a  commission  and,  parading  the  garrison, 
had  it  read  before  them,  and  introduc'd  him  to  them 
as  an  officer  who,  from  his  skill  in  military  affairs  was 
much  more  fit  to  command  them  than  myself  and, 
giving  them  a  little  exhortation,  took  my  leave.  I 
was  escorted  as  far  as  Bethlehem,  where  I  rested  a 
few  days  to  recover  from  the  fatigue  I  had  under 
gone.  The  first  night,  being  in  a  good  bed,  I  could 
hardly  sleep,  it  was  so  different  from  my  hard  lodging 
on  the  floor  of  our  hut  at  Gnaden  wrapt  only  in  a 
blanket  or  two. 

While  at  Bethlehem,  I  inquir'd  a  little  into  the 
practice  of  the  Moravians;  some  of  them  had  ac 
companied  me,  and  all  were  very  kind  to  me.  I 
found  they  work'd  for  a  common  stock,  eat  at  com 
mon  tables,  and  slept  in  common  dormitories,  great 
numbers  together.  In  the  dormitories  I  observed 
loopholes,  at  certain  distances  all  along  just  under 
the  ceiling,  which  I  thought  judiciously  placed  for 
change  of  air.  I  was  at  their  church,  where  I  was 
entertain 'd  with  good  musick,  the  organ  being  ac 
companied  with  violins,  hautboys,  flutes,  clarinets, 
etc.  I  understood  that  their  sermons  were  not 


Benjamin  Franklin  285 

usually  preached  to  mixed  congregations  of  men, 
women,  and  children,  as  is  our  common  practice  but 
that  they  assembled  sometimes  the  married  men,  at 
other  times  their  wives,  then  the  young  men,  the 
young  women,  and  the  little  children,  each  division 
by  itself.  The  sermon  I  heard  was  to  the  latter, 
who  came  in  and  were  plac'd  in  rows  on  benches; 
the  boys  under  the  conduct  of  a  young  man,  their 
tutor,  and  the  girls  conducted  by  a  young  woman. 
The  discourse  seemed  well  adapted  to  their  capaci 
ties  and  was  delivered  in  a  pleasing,  familiar  man 
ner,  coaxing  them,  as  it  were,  to  be  good.  They 
behav'd  very  orderly  but  looked  pale  and  unhealthy, 
which  made  me  suspect  they  were  kept  too  much 
within  doors,  or  not  allowed  sufficient  exercise. 

I  inquir'd  concerning  the  Moravian  marriages, 
whether  the  report  was  true  that  they  were  by  lot.  I 
was  told  that  lots  were  us'd  only  in  particular  cases; 
that  generally  when  a  young  man  found  himself  dis- 
pos'd  to  marry,  he  inform 'd  the  elders  of  his  class, 
who  consulted  the  elder  ladies  that  govern'd  the 
young  women.  As  these  elders  of  the  different  sexes 
were  well  acquainted  with  the  tempers  and  disposi 
tions  of  their  respective  pupils  they  could  best  judge 
what  matches  were  suitable  and  their  judgments  were 
generally  acquiesc'd  in:  but  if,  for  example,  it  should 
happen  that  two  or  three  young  women  were  found 
to  be  equally  proper  for  the  young  man,  the  lot  was 
then  recurred  to.  I  objected,  if  the  matches  are  not 
made  by  the  mutual  choice  of  the  parties,  some  of 
them  may  chance  to  be  very  unhappy.  "And  so 
they  may,"  answer 'd  my  informer,  "if  you  let  the 


286  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

parties  chuse  for  themselves";  which,  indeed,  I 
could  not  deny. 

Being  returned  to  Philadelphia,  I  found  the  asso 
ciation  went  on  swimmingly,  the  inhabitants  that 
were  not  Quakers  having  pretty  generally  come  into 
it,  formed  themselves  into  companies,  and  chose 
their  captains,  lieutenants,  and  ensigns,  according 
to  the  new  law.  Dr.  B.  visited  me,  and  gave  me  an 
account  of  the  pains  he  had  taken  to  spread  a  general 
good  liking  to  the  law,  and  ascribed  much  to  those 
endeavors.  I  had  had  the  vanity  to  ascribe  all  to 
my  " Dialogue";  however,  not  knowing  but  that  he 
might  be  in  the  right,  I  let  him  enjoy  his  opinion, 
which  I  take  to  be  generally  the  best  way  in  such 
cases.  The  officers,  meeting,  chose  me  to  be  colonel 
of  the  regiment,  which  I  this  time  accepted.  I  for 
get  how  many  companies  we  had,  but  we  paraded 
about  twelve  hundred  well-looking  men  with  a  com 
pany  of  artillery  who  had  been  furnished  with  six 
brass  field-pieces,  which  they  had  become  so  expert 
in  the  use  of  as  to  fire  twelve  times  in  a  minute.  The 
first  time  I  reviewed  my  regiment  they  accompanied 
me  to  my  house  and  would  salute  me  with  some 
rounds  fired  before  my  door,  which  shook  down  and 
broke  several  glasses  of  my  electrical  apparatus. 
And  my  new  honour  proved  not  much  less  brittle, 
for  all  our  commissions  were  soon  after  broken  by  a 
repeal  of  the  law  in  England. 

During  this  short  time  of  my  colonelship,  being 
about  to  set  out  on  a  journey  to  Virginia,  the  officers 
of  my  regiment  took  it  into  their  heads  that  it  would 
be  proper  for  them  to  escort  me  out  of  town  as  far  as 


Benjamin  Franklin  287 

the  Lower  Ferry.  Just  as  I  was  getting  on  horse 
back  they  came  to  my  door,  between  thirty  and 
forty,  mounted,  and  all  in  their  uniforms.  I  had 
not  been  previously  acquainted  with  the  project,  or 
I  should  have  prevented  it,  being  naturally  averse  to 
the  assuming  of  state  on  any  occasion;  and  I  was  a 
good  deal  chagrin 'd  at  their  appearance,  as  I  could 
not  avoid  their  accompanying  me.  What  made  it 
worse  was  that,  as  soon  as  we  began  to  move  they 
drew  their  swords  and  rode  with  them  naked  all  the 
way.  Somebody  wrote  an  account  of  this  to  the 
proprietor  and  it  gave  him  great  offense.  No  such 
honor  had  been  paid  him  when  in  the  province,  nor 
to  any  of  his  governors;  and  he  said  it  was  only 
proper  to  princes  of  the  royal  blood,  which  may  be 
true  for  aught  I  know,  who  was  and  still  am,  ignorant 
of  the  etiquette  in  such  cases. 

This  silly  affair,  however,  greatly  increased  his 
rancour  against  me,  which  was  before  not  a  little  on 
account  of  my  conduct  in  the  Assembly  respecting 
the  exemption  of  his  estate  from  taxation,  which  I 
had  always  oppos'd  very  warmly  and  not  without 
severe  reflections  on  his  meanness  and  injustice  of 
contending  for  it.  He  accused  me  to  the  ministry  as 
being  the  great  obstacle  to  the  king's  service,  pre 
venting,  by  my  influence  in  the  House,  the  proper 
form  of  the  bills  for  raising  money,  and  he  instanced 
this  parade  with  my  officers  as  a  proof  of  my  hav 
ing  an  intention  to  take  the  government  of  the 
province  out  of  his  hands  by  force.  He  also  ap 
plied  to  Sir  Everard  Fawkener,  the  postmaster- 
general,  to  deprive  me  of  my  office;  but  it  had 


288  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

no  other  effect  than  to  procure  from  Sir  Everard  a 
gentle  admonition. 

Notwithstanding  the  continual  wrangle  between 
the  governor  and  the  House,  in  which  I,  as  a  mem 
ber,  had  so  large  a  share,  there  still  subsisted  a  civil 
intercourse  between  that  gentleman  and  myself  and 
we  never  had  any  personal  difference.  I  have  some 
times  since  thought  that  his  little  or  no  resentment 
against  me  for  the  answers  it  was  known  I  drew  up 
to  his  messages,  might  be  the  effect  of  professional 
habit  and  that,  being  bred  a  lawyer  he  might  con 
sider  us  both  as  merely  advocates  for  contending 
clients  in  a  suit,  he  for  the  proprietaries  and  I  for  the 
Assembly.  He  would  therefore  sometimes  call  in  a 
friendly  way  to  advise  me  on  difficult  points  and 
sometimes,  though  not  often,  take  my  advice. 

We  acted  in  concert  to  supply  Braddock's  army 
with  provisions,  and,  when  the  shocking  news  ar 
rived  of  his  defeat,  the  governor  sent  in  haste  for  me, 
to  consult  with  him  on  measures  for  preventing  the 
desertion  of  the  back  counties.  I  forget  now  the 
advice  I  gave,  but  I  think  it  was  that  Dunbar  should 
be  written  to  and  prevail'd  with,  if  possible,  to  post 
his  troops  on  the  frontiers  for  their  protection  till, 
by  re-enforcements  from  the  colonies,  he  might  be 
able  to  proceed  on  the  expedition.  And,  after  my 
return  from  the  frontier  he  would  have  had  me 
undertake  the  conduct  of  such  an  expedition  with 
provincial  troops,  for  the  reduction  of  Fort  Du- 
quesne,  Dunbar  and  his  men  being  otherwise 
employed;  and  he  proposed  to  commission  me  as 
general.  I  had  not  so  good  an  opinion  of  my  mili- 


1731-1757]  Benjamin  Franklin  289 

tary  abilities  as  he  prof  ess  'd  to  have  and  I  believe  his 
professions  must  have  exceeded  his  real  sentiments; 
but  probably  he  might  think  that  my  popularity 
would  facilitate  the  raising  of  the  men  and  my  influ 
ence  in  Assembly,  the  grant  of  money  to  pay  them, 
and  that,  perhaps,  without  taxing  the  proprietary  es 
tate.  Finding  me  not  so  forward  to  engage  as  he  ex 
pected,  the  project  was  dropt,  and  he  soon  after  left 
the  government,  being  superseded  by  Captain  Denny. 

Before  I  proceed  in  relating  the  part  I  had  in  pub 
lic  affairs  under  this  new  governor's  administration, 
it  may  not  be  amiss  here  to  give  some  account  of  the 
rise  and  progress  of  my  philosophical  reputation. 

In  1746,  being  at  Boston  I  met  there  with  a  Dr. 
Spence  who  was  lately  arrived  from  Scotland,  and 
show'd  me  some  electric  experiments.  They  were 
imperfectly  perform 'd  as  he  was  not  very  expert  but, 
being  on  a  subject  quite  new  to  me,  they  equally 
surpris'd  and  pleased  me.  Soon  after  my  return  to 
Philadelphia,  our  library  company  receiv'd  from  Mr. 
P.  Collinson,  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society  of  London, 
a  present  of  a  glass  tube  with  some  account  of  the 
use  of  it  in  making  such  experiments.  I  eagerly 
seized  the  opportunity  of  repeating  what  I  had  seen 
at  Boston;  and,  by  much  practice,  acquired  great 
readiness  in  performing  those,  also,  which  we  had  an 
account  of  from  England,  adding  a  number  of  new 
ones.  I  say  much  practice,  for  my  house  was  con 
tinually  full,  for  some  time,  with  people  who  came 
to  see  these  new  wonders. 

To  divide  a  little  this  incumbrance  among  my 
friends,  I  caused  a  number  of  similar  tubes  to  be 


VOL.  I. — 19. 


290  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

blown  at  our  glass-house,  with  which  they  furnished 
themselves,  so  that  we  had  at  length  several  per 
formers.  Among  these,  the  principal  was  Mr.  Kin- 
nersley,  an  ingenious  neighbor,  who,  being  out  of 
business,  I  encouraged  to  undertake  showing  the 
experiments  for  money,  and  drew  up  for  him  two 
lectures,  in  which  the  experiments  were  rang'd  in 
such  order,  and  accompanied  with  such  explanations 
in  such  method,  as  that  the  foregoing  should  assist 
in  comprehending  the  following.  He  procur'd  an 
elegant  apparatus  for  the  purpose,  in  which  all  the 
little  machines  that  I  had  roughly  made  for  myself 
were  nicely  form'd  by  instrument-makers.  His  lec 
tures  were  well  attended  and  gave  great  satisfaction, 
and  after  some  time  he  went  thro'  the  colonies  ex 
hibiting  them  in  every  capital  town  and  pick'd  up 
some  money.  In  the  West  India  Islands,  indeed,  it 
was  with  difficulty  the  experiments  could  be  made, 
from  the  general  moisture  of  the  air. 

Oblig'd  as  we  were  to  Mr.  Collinson  for  his  present 
of  the  tube,  etc.,  I  thought  it  right  he  should  be  in 
form 'd  of  our  success  in  using  it,  and  wrote  him 
several  letters  containing  accounts  of  our  experi 
ments.  He  got  them  read  in  the  Royal  Society 
where  they  were  not  at  first  thought  worth  so  much 
notice  as  to  be  printed  in  their  Transactions.  One 
paper,  which  I  wrote  for  Mr.  Kinnersley,  on  the 
sameness  of  lightning  with  electricity,  I  sent  to  Dr. 
Mitchel,  an  acquaintance  of  mine  and  one  of  the 
members  also  of  that  society,  who  wrote  me  word 
that  it  had  been  read,  but  was  laughed  at  by  the 
connoisseurs.  The  papers,  however,  being  shown  to 


1731-1757]  Benjamin  Franklin  291 

Dr.  Fothergill,  he  thought  they  were  of  too  much 
value  to  be  stifled,  and  advis'd  the  printing  of  them. 
Mr.  Collinson  then  gave  them  to  Cave  for  publication 
in  his  Gentleman's  Magazine;  but  he  chose  to  print 
them  separately  in  a  pamphlet  and  Dr.  Fothergill 
wrote  the  preface.  Cave,  it  seems,  judged  rightly 
for  his  profit,  for  by  the  additions  that  arrived  after 
ward,  they  swell 'd  to  a  quarto  volume  which  has  had 
five  editions,  and  cost  him  nothing  for  copy-money. 

It  was,  however,  some  time  before  those  papers 
were  much  taken  notice  of  in  England.  A  copy  of 
them  happening  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Count 
de  Buffon,  a  philosopher  deservedly  of  great  reputa 
tion  in  France,  and,  indeed,  all  over  Europe,  he  pre 
vailed  with  M.  Dalibard  to  translate  them  into 
French,  and  they  were  printed  at  Paris.  The  pub 
lication  offended  the  Abbe  Nollet,  preceptor  in 
Natural  Philosophy  to  the  royal  family,  and  an  able 
experimenter,  who  had  form'd  and  publish 'd  a  theory 
of  electricity,  which  then  had  the  general  vogue.  He 
could  not  at  first  believe  that  such  a  work  came  from 
America,  and  said  it  must  have  been  fabricated  by 
his  enemies  at  Paris,  to  decry  his  system.  After 
wards,  having  been  assur'd  that  there  really  existed 
such  a  person  as  Franklin  at  Philadelphia,  which  he 
had  doubted,  he  wrote  and  published  a  volume  of 
"Letters,"  chiefly  address 'd  to  me,  defending  his 
theory,  and  denying  the  verity  of  my  experiments 
and  of  the  positions  deduc'd  from  them. 

I  once  purpos'd  answering  the  abbe,  and  actually 
began  the  answer,  but,  on  consideration  that  my  writ 
ings  contain 'd  a  description  of  experiments  which 


292  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

any  one  might  repeat  and  verify,  and  if  not  to  be 
verifi'd,  could  not  be  defended;  or  of  observations 
offer 'd  as  conjectures  and  not  delivered  dogmatically, 
therefore  not  laying  me  under  any  obligation  to  de 
fend  them;  and  reflecting  that  a  dispute  between 
two  persons,  writing  in  different  languages,  might 
be  lengthened  greatly  by  mistranslations  and  thence 
misconceptions  of  one  another's  meaning,  much  of 
one  of  the  abbe's  letters  being  founded  on  an  error 
in  the  translation,  I  concluded  to  let  my  papers  shift 
for  themselves,  believing  it  was  better  to  spend  what 
time  I  could  spare  from  public  business  in  making 
new  experiments,  than  in  disputing  about  those 
already  made.  I  therefore  never  answered  M.  Nollet, 
and  the  event  gave  me  no  cause  to  repent  my  silence ; 
for  my  friend  M.  le  Roy,  of  the  Royal  Academy  of 
Sciences,  took  up  my  cause  and  refuted  him;  my 
book  was  translated  into  the  Italian,  German,  and 
Latin  languages,  and  the  doctrine  it  contain 'd  was 
by  degrees  universally  adopted  by  the  philosophers 
of  Europe  in  preference  to  that  of  the  abb6 ;  so  that 
I  he  lived  to  see  himself  the  last  of  his  sect,  except 
Monsieur  B—  — ,  of  Paris,  his  elbve  and  immediate 
disciple. 

What  gave  my  book  the  more  sudden  and  gen 
eral  celebrity,  was  the  success  of  one  of  its  proposed 
experiments,  made  by  Messrs.  Dalibard  and  De  Lor 
at  Marly,  for  drawing  lightning  from  the  clouds. 
This  engaged  the  public  attention  every  where.  M. 
de  Lor,  who  had  an  apparatus  for  experimental 
philosophy,  and  lectur'd  in  that  branch  of  science, 
undertook  to  repeat  what  he  called  the  Philadelphia 


1731-1757]          Benjamin  Franklin  293 

Experiments;  and,  after  they  were  performed  before 
the  king  and  court,  all  the  curious  of  Paris  flocked  to 
see  them.  I  will  not  swell  this  narrative  with  an 
account  of  that  capital  experiment,  nor  of  the  in 
finite  pleasure  I  receiv'd  in  the  success  of  a  similar 
one  I  made  soon  after  with  a  kite  at  Philadelphia,  as 
both  are  to  be  found  in  the  histories  of  electricity. 

Dr.  Wright,  an  English  physician,  when  at  Paris, 
wrote  to  a  friend,  who  was  of  the  Royal  Society,  an 
account  of  the  high  esteem  my  experiments  were  in 
among  the  learned  abroad,  and  of  their  wonder  that 
my  writings  had  been  so  little  noticed  in  England. 
The  Society,  on  this,  resum'd  the  consideration  of  the 
letters  that  had  been  read  to  them,  and  the  cele 
brated  Dr.  Watson  drew  up  a  summary  account  of 
them  and  of  all  I  had  afterwards  sent  to  England  on 
the  subject,  which  he  accompanied  with  some  praise 
of  the  writer.  This  summary  was  then  printed  in 
their  Transactions;  and  some  members  of  the  So 
ciety  in  London,  particularly  the  very  ingenious  Mr. 
Canton,  having  verified  the  experiment  of  procuring 
lightning  from  the  clouds  by  a  pointed  rod,  and  ac 
quainting  them  with  the  success,  they  soon  made  me 
more  than  amends  for  the  slight  with  which  they  had 
before  treated  me.  Without  my  having  made  any 
application  for  that  honor,  they  chose  me  a  mem 
ber,  and  voted  that  I  should  be  excus'd  the  custom 
ary  payments,  which  would  have  amounted  to 
twenty-five  guineas;  and  ever  since  have  given  me 
their  Transactions  gratis.1  They  also  presented  me 

1  For  a  fuller  account  of  his  election  see,  infra,  letter  to  Governor 
William  Franklin,  i9th  Dec.,  1767. — ED. 


294  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

with  the  gold  medal  of  Sir  Godfrey  Copley  for  the 
year  1753,  the  delivery  of  which  was  accompanied 
by  a  very  handsome  speech  of  the  president,  Lord 
Macclesfield,  wherein  I  was  highly  honoured. 

Our  new  governor,  Captain  Denny,  brought  over 
for  me  the  before-mentioned  medal  from  the  Royal 
Society,  which  he  presented  to  me  at  an  entertain 
ment  given  him  by  the  city.  He  accompanied  it 
with  very  polite  expressions  of  his  esteem  for  me, 
having,  as  he  said,  been  long  acquainted  with  my 
character.  After  dinner,  when  the  company,  as  was 
customary  at  that  time,  were  engag'd  in  drinking,  he 
took  me  aside  into  another  room,  and  acquainted 
me  that  he  had  been  ad  vis 'd  by  his  friends  in  Eng 
land  to  cultivate  a  friendship  with  me,  as  one  who 
was  capable  of  giving  him  the  best  advice,  and  of 
contributing  most  effectually  to  the  making  his  ad 
ministration  easy;  that  he  therefore  desired  of  all 
things  to  have  a  good  understanding  with  me  and  he 
begg'd  me  to  be  assur'd  of  his  readiness  on  all  occa 
sions  to  render  me  every  service  that  might  be  in  his 
power.  He  said  much  to  me,  also,  of  the  proprietor's 
good  disposition  towards  the  province  and  of  the  ad 
vantage  it  might  be  to  us  all,  and  to  me  in  particular, 
if  the  opposition  that  had  been  so  long  continu'd  to 
his  measures  was  dropt,  and  harmony  restored  be 
tween  him  and  the  people ;  in  effecting  which,  it  was 
thought  no  one  could  be  more  serviceable  than  my 
self;  and  I  might  depend  on  adequate  acknowledg 
ments  and  recompenses,  etc.,  etc.  The  drinkers, 
finding  we  did  not  return  immediately  to  the  table, 
sent  us  a  decanter  of  Madeira  which  the  governor 


Benjamin  Franklin  295 

made  liberal  use  of,  and  in  proportion  became  more 
profuse  of  his  solicitations  and  promises. 

My  answers  were  to  this  purpose:  that  my  cir 
cumstances,  thanks  to  God,  were  such  as  to  make 
proprietary  favours  unnecessary  to  me  and  that, 
being  a  member  of  the  Assembly  I  could  not  possibly 
accept  of  any;  that,  however,  I  had  no  personal 
enmity  to  the  proprietary,  and  that,  whenever  the 
public  measures  he  propos'd  should  appear  to  be  for 
the  good  of  the  people,  no  one  should  espouse  and 
forward  them  more  zealously  than  myself;  my  past 
opposition  having  been  founded  on  this,  that  the 
measures  which  had  been  urged  were  evidently  in 
tended  to  serve  the  proprietary  interest,  with  great 
prejudice  to  that  of  the  people;  that  I  was  much 
obliged  to  him  (the  governor)  for  his  professions  of 
regard  to  me  and  that  he  might  rely  on  every  thing 
in  my  power  to  make  his  administration  as  easy  as 
possible,  hoping  at  the  same  time  that  he  had  not 
brought  with  him  the  same  unfortunate  instruction 
his  predecessor  had  been  hamper 'd  with. 

On  this  he  did  not  then  explain  himself,  but  when 
he  afterwards  came  to  do  business  with  the  Assem 
bly,  they  appear 'd  again,  the  disputes  were  renewed, 
and  I  was  as  active  as  ever  in  the  opposition,  being 
the  penman,  first,  of  the  request  to  have  a  com 
munication  of  the  instructions  and  then  of  the  re 
marks  upon  them,  which  may  be  found  in  the  votes 
of  the  time,  and  in  the  Historical  Review  I  after 
wards  published.  But  between  us  personally  no 
enmity  arose ;  we  were  often  together ;  he  was  a  man 
of  letters,  had  seen  much  of  the  world  and  was  very 


296  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

entertaining  and  pleasing  in  conversation.  He  gave 
me  the  first  intimation  that  my  old  friend  Jas. 
Ralph  was  still  alive;  that  he  was  esteem 'd  one  of 
the  best  political  writers  in  England,  had  been  em 
ploy 'd  in  the  dispute  between  Prince  Frederic  and  the 
king  and  had  obtain 'd  a  pension  of  three  hundred  a 
year;  that  his  reputation  was  indeed  small  as  a  poet, 
Pope  having  damned  his  poetry  in  the  Dunciad;  but 
his  prose  was  thought  as  good  as  any  man's. 

The  Assembly  I  finally  finding  the  proprietary  ob 
stinately  persisted  in  manacling  their  deputies  with 
instructions  inconsistent  not  only  with  the  privileges 
of  the  people  but  with  the  service  of  the  crown,  re- 
solv'd  to  petition  the  king  against  them  and  ap 
pointed  me  their  agent  to  go  over  to  England  to 
present  and  support  the  petition.  The  House  had 
sent  up  a  bill  to  the  governor  granting  a  sum  of  sixty 
thousand  pounds  for  the  king's  use  (ten  thousand 
pounds  of  which  was  subjected  to  the  orders  of  the 
then  General  Lord  Loudoun),  which  the  governor 
absolutely  refus'd  to  pass,  in  compliance  with  his  in 
structions. 

I  had  agreed  with  Captain  Morris,  of  the  paquet  at 
New  York,  for  my  passage,  and  my  stores  were  put 
on  board  when  Lord  Loudoun  arriv'd  at  Philadel 
phia  expressly,  as  he  told  me,  to  endeavor  an  accom 
modation  between  the  governor  and  Assembly,  that 
his  majesty's  service  might  not  be  obstructed  by 
their  dissensions.  Accordingly,  he  desir'd  the  gov 
ernor  and  myself  to  meet  him,  that  he  might  hear 

1  The  many  unanimous  resolves  of  the  Assembly — what  date? — 
Marg.  note. 


1731-1757]  Benjamin  Franklin  297 

what  was  to  be  said  on  both  sides.  We  met  and 
discuss 'd  the  business.  In  behalf  of  the  Assembly, 
I  urg'd  all  the  various  arguments  that  may  be  found 
in  the  public  papers  of  that  time,  which  were  of  my 
writing,  and  are  printed  with  the  minutes  of  the  As 
sembly;  and  the  governor  pleaded  his  instructions, 
the  bond  he  had  given  to  observe  them,  and  his  ruin 
if  he  disobey 'd,  yet  seemed  not  unwilling  to  hazard 
himself  if  Lord  Loudoun  would  advise  it.  This  his 
lordship  did  not  chuse  to  do,  though  I  once  thought 
I  had  nearly  prevailed  with  him  to  do  it;  but  finally 
he  rather  chose  to  urge  the  compliance  of  the  As 
sembly  ;  and  he  entreated  me  to  use  my  endeavours 
with  them  for  that  purpose,  declaring  that  he  would 
spare  none  of  the  king's  troops  for  that  defense  of 
our  frontiers,  and  that,  if  we  did  not  continue  to 
provide  for  that  defense  ourselves,  they  must  re 
main  expos 'd  to  the  enemy. 

I  acquainted  the  House  with  what  had  pass'd, 
and,  presenting  them  with  a  set  of  resolutions  I  had 
drawn  up,  declaring  our  rights,  and  that  we  did  not 
relinquish  our  claim  to  those  rights,  but  only  sus 
pended  the  exercise  of  them  on  this  occasion  thro' 
force,  against  which  we  protested,  they  at  length 
agreed  to  drop  that  bill  and  frame  another  conform 
able  to  the  proprietary  instructions.  This  of  course 
the  governor  pass'd  and  I  was  then  at  liberty  to  pro 
ceed  on  my  voyage.  But,  in  the  mean  time,  the 
paquet  had  sailed  with  my  sea-stores,  which  was 
some  loss  to  me  and  my  only  recompense  was  his 
lordship's  thanks  for  my  service,  all  the  credit  of 
obtaining  the  accommodation  falling  to  his  share. 


298  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

He  set  out  for  New  York  before  me  and,  as  the 
time  for  dispatching  the  paquet-boats  was  at  his  dis 
position,  and  there  were  two  then  remaining  there, 
one  of  which,  he  said,  was  to  sail  very  soon,  I  re 
quested  to  know  the  precise  time,  that  I  might  not 
miss  her  by  any  delay  of  mine.  His  answer  was: 
"I  have  given  out  that  she  is  to  sail  on  Saturday 
next,  but  I  may  let  you  know,  entre  nous,  that  if  you 
are  there  by  Monday  morning  you  will  be  in  time,  but 
do  not  delay  longer. ' '  By  some  accidental  hindrance 
at  a  ferry,  it  was  Monday  noon  before  I  arrived  and 
I  was  much  afraid  she  might  have  sailed,  as  the  wind 
was  fair,  but  I  was  soon  made  easy  by  the  informa 
tion  that  she  was  still  in  the  harbor  and  would  not 
move  till  the  next  day.  One  would  imagine  that  I 
was  now  on  the  very  point  of  departing  for  Europe. 
I  thought  so,  but  I  was  not  then  so  well  acquainted 
with  his  lordship's  character  of  which  indecision  was 
one  of  the  strongest  features.  I  shall  give  some 
instances.  It  was  about  the  beginning  of  April  that 
I  came  to  New  York  and  I  think  it  was  near  the 
end  of  June  before  we  sail'd.  There  were  then  two 
of  the  paquet-boats,  which  had  been  long  in  port  but 
were  detained  by  the  general's  letters  which  were 
always  to  be  ready  to-morrow.  Another  paquet 
arriv'd;  she  too  was  detain'd,  and  before  we  sail'd 
a  fourth  was  expected.  Ours  was  the  first  to  be 
dispatch 'd,  as  having  been  there  longest.  Passen 
gers  were  engag'd  in  all  and  some  extremely  im 
patient  to  be  gone  and  the  merchants  uneasy  about 
their  letters  and  the  orders  they  had  given  for 
insurance  (it  being  war  time)  for  fall  goods,  but  their 


1731-1757]  Benjamin  Franklin  299 

anxiety  avail'd  nothing;  his  lordship's  letters  were 
not  ready,  and  yet,  whoever  waited  on  him  found 
him  always  at  his  desk,  pen  in  hand,  and  concluded 
he  must  needs  write  abundantly. 

Going  myself  one  morning  to  pay  my  respects  I 
found  in  his  antechamber  one  Innis,  a  messenger  of 
Philadelphia  who  had  come  from  thence  express 
with  a  paquet  from  Governor  Denny  for  the  General. 
He  delivered  to  me  some  letters  from  my  friends 
there  which  occasion 'd  my  inquiring  when  he  was  to 
return  and  where  he  lodg'd  that  I  might  send  some 
letters  by  him.  He  told  me  he  was  order 'd  to  call 
to-morrow  at  nine  for  the  General's  answer  to  the 
governor,  and  should  set  off  immediately.  I  put 
my  letters  into  his  hands  the  same  day.  A  fort 
night  after  I  met  him  again  in  the  same  place.  "  So, 
you  are  soon  return 'd,  Innis?"  " 'Returned  !  no,  I  am 
not  gone  yet."  " How  so?"  "I  have  called  here  by 
order  every  morning  these  two  weeks  past  for  his 
lordship's  letter  and  it  is  not  yet  ready."  "Is  it 
possible,  when  he  is  so  great  a  writer?  for  I  see  him 
constantly  at  his  escritoire."  "Yes,"  says  Innis, 
"but  he  is  like  St.  George  on  the  signs,  always  on 
horseback  and  never  rides  on."  This  observation  of 
the  messenger  was,  it  seems,  well  founded,  for,  when 
in  England  I  understood  that  Mr.  Pitt  gave  it  as 
one  reason  for  removing  this  general,  and  sending 
Generals  Amherst  and  Wolfe,  that  the  minister  never 
heard  from  him,  and  could  not  know  what  he  was 
doing. 

This  daily  expectation  of  sailing  and  all  the  three 
paquets  going  down  to  Sandy  Hook  to  join  the  fleet 


300  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

there,  the  passengers  thought  it  best  to  be  on  board, 
lest  by  a  sudden  order  the  ships  should  sail  and  they 
be  left  behind.  There,  if  I  remember  right,  we  were 
about  six  weeks,  consuming  our  sea-stores  and 
oblig'd  to  procure  more.  At  length  the  fleet  sail'd, 
the  General  and  all  his  army  on  board,  bound  to 
Louisburg,  with  intent  to  besiege  and  take  that 
fortress;  all  the  paquet-boats  in  company  ordered 
to  attend  the  General's  ship  ready  to  receive  his 
dispatches  when  they  should  be  ready.  We  were 
out  five  days  before  we  got  a  letter  with  leave  to 
part  and  then  our  ship  quitted  the  fleet  and  steered 
for  England.  The  other  two  paquets  he  still  de 
tained,  carried  them  with  him  to  Halifax  where  he 
stayed  some  time  to  exercise  the  men  in  sham  at 
tacks  upon  sham  forts,  then  alter 'd  his  mind  as  to 
besieging  Louisburg  and  return 'd  to  New  York,  with 
all  his  troops  together  with  the  two  paquets  above 
mentioned  and  all  their  passengers!  During  his 
absence  the  French  and  savages  had  taken  Fort 
George,  on  the  frontier  of  that  province  and  the 
savages  had  massacred  many  of  the  garrison  after 
capitulation. 

I  saw  afterwards  in  London  Captain  Bonnell,  who 
commanded  one  of  those  paquets.  He  told  me  that 
when  he  had  been  detain 'd  a  month,  he  acquainted 
his  lordship  that  his  ship  was  grown  foul  to  a  degree 
that  must  necessarily  hinder  her  fast  sailing,  a  point 
of  consequence  for  a  paquet-boat,  and  requested  an 
allowance  of  time  to  heave  her  down  and  clean  her 
bottom.  He  was  asked  how  long  time  that  would 
require.  He  answer'd  three  days.  The  general  re- 


1731-1757]  Benjamin  Franklin  301 

plied:  "If  you  can  do  it  in  one  day  I  give  leave; 
otherwise  not;  for  you  must  certainly  sail  the  day 
after  to-morrow."  So  he  never  obtain'd  leave 
though  detained  afterwards  from  day  to  day  during 
full  three  months. 

I  saw  also  in  London  one  of  Bonnell's  passengers 
who  was  so  enrag'd  against  his  lordship  for  deceiving 
and  detaining  him  so  long  at  New  York,  and  then 
carrying  him  to  Halifax  and  back  again,  that  he 
swore  he  would  sue  him  for  damages.  Whether  he 
did  or  not,  I  never  heard,  but,  as  he  represented  the 
injury  to  his  affairs,  it  was  very  considerable. 

On  the  whole,  I  wonder'd  much  how  such  a  man 
came  to  be  intrusted  with  so  important  a  business  as 
the  conduct  of  a  great  army,  but,  having  since  seen 
more  of  the  great  world  and  the  means  of  obtaining 
and  motives  for  giving  places,  my  wonder  is  dimin 
ished.  General  Shirley  on  whom  the  command  of 
the  army  devolved  upon  the  death  of  Braddock, 
would,  in  my  opinion,  if  continued  in  place,  have 
made  a  much  better  campaign  than  that  of  Loudoun 
in  1757,  which  was  frivolous,  expensive,  and  dis 
graceful  to  our  nation  beyond  conception;  for  tho' 
Shirley  was  not  a  bred  soldier,  he  was  sensible  and 
sagacious  in  himself  and  attentive  to  good  advice 
from  others,  capable  of  forming  judicious  plans  and 
quick  and  active  in  carrying  them  into  execution. 
Loudoun,  instead  of  defending  the  colonies  with  his 
great  army,  left  them  totally  expos  'd  while  he  pa 
raded  idly  at  Halifax,  by  which  means  Fort  George 
was  lost;  besides  he  derang'd  all  our  mercantile  op 
erations  and  distress 'd  our  trade  by  a  long  embargo 


302  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

on  the  exportation  of  provisions,  on  pretence  of 
keeping  supplies  from  being  obtain  'd  by  the  en 
emy,  but,  in  reality,  for  beating  down  their  price  in 
favor  of  the  contractors  in  whose  profits,  it  was  said, 
perhaps  from  suspicion  only,  he  had  a  share.  And 
when  at  length  the  embargo  was  taken  off,  by 
neglecting  to  send  notice  of  it  to  Charlestown,  the 
Carolina  fleet  was  detain 'd  near  three  months  longer, 
whereby  their  bottoms  were  so  much  damaged  by 
the  worm  that  a  great  part  of  them  foundered  in 
their  passage  home. 

Shirley  was,  I  believe,  sincerely  glad  of  being  re 
lieved  from  so  burdensome  a  charge  as  the  conduct 
of  an  army  must  be  to  a  man  unacquainted  with 
military  business.  I  was  at  the  entertainment  given 
by  the  city  of  New  York  to  Lord  Loudoun  on  his 
taking  upon  him  the  command.  Shirley,  tho' 
thereby  superseded,  was  present  also.  There  was  a 
great  company  of  officers,  citizens,  and  strangers,  and 
some  chairs  having  been  borrowed  in  the  neighbor 
hood,  there  was  one  among  them  very  low,  which 
fell  to  the  lot  of  Mr.  Shirley.  Perceiving  it  as  I  sat 
by  him,  I  said:  "  They  have  given  you,  sir,  too  low  a 
seat."  "No  matter,"  says  he,  "Mr.  Franklin,  I  find 
a  low  seat  the  easiest." 

While  I  was,  as  afore  mention'd,  detain'd  at  New 
York,  I  receiv'd  all  the  accounts  of  the  provisions, 
etc.,  that  I  had  furnish 'd  to  Braddock,  some  of  which 
accounts  could  not  sooner  be  obtain 'd  from  the  dif 
ferent  persons  I  had  employ 'd  to  assist  in  the  busi 
ness.  I  presented  them  to  Lord  Loudoun,  desiring 
to  be  paid  the  ballance.  He  caus'd  them  to  be  regu- 


Benjamin  Franklin  303 

larly  examined  by  the  proper  officer  who,  after  com 
paring  every  article  with  its  voucher,  certified  them 
to  be  right  and  the  ballance,  due,  for  which  his  lord 
ship  promis'd  to  give  me  an  order  on  the  paymaster. 
This  was,  however,  put  off  from  time  to  time;  and 
tho'  I  call'd  often  for  it  by  appointment,  I  did  not 
get  it.  At  length,  just  before  my  departure,  he  told 
me  he  had,  on  better  consideration,  concluded  not 
to  mix  his  accounts  with  those  of  his  predecessors. 
" And  you,"  says  he,  "when  in  England,  have  only 
to  exhibit  your  accounts  at  the  treasury,  and  you 
will  be  paid  immediately." 

I  mention 'd,  but  without  effect,  the  great  and 
unexpected  expense  I  had  been  put  to  by  being  de 
tain 'd  so  long  at  New  York,  as  a  reason  for  my  de 
siring  to  be  presently  paid,  and  on  my  observing  that 
it  was  not  right  I  should  be  put  to  any  further  trouble 
or  delay  in  obtaining  the  money  I  had  advanc'd,  as 
I  charged  no  commission  for  my  service,  "O,  sir," 
says  he,  "you  must  not  think  of  persuading  us  that 
you  are  no  gainer ;  we  understand  better  those  affairs, 
and  know  that  every  one  concerned  in  supplying  the 
army  finds  means,  in  the  doing  it,  to  fill  his  own 
pockets."  I  assur'd  him  that  was  not  my  case,  and 
that  I  had  not  pocketed  a  farthing,  but  he  appear 'd 
clearly  not  to  believe  me,  and,  indeed,  I  have  since 
learnt  that  immense  fortunes  are  often  made  in  such 
employments.  As  to  my  ballance,  I  am  not  paid  it 
to  this  day,  of  which  more  hereafter. 

Our  captain  of  the  paquet  had  boasted  much  be 
fore  we  sailed,  of  the  swiftness  of  his  ship ;  unfortu 
nately,  when  we  oame  to  seat  she  proved  the  dullest 


3°4  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

of  ninety-six  sail,  to  his  no  small  mortification. 
After  many  conjectures  respecting  the  cause,  when 
we  were  near  another  ship  almost  as  dull  as  ours, 
which,  however,  gain'd  upon  us,  the  captain  ordered 
all  hands  to  come  aft,  and  stand  as  near  the  ensign 
staff  as  possible.  We  were,  passengers  included, 
about  forty  persons.  While  we  stood  there,  the  ship 
mended  her  pace  and  soon  left  her  neighbour  far 
behind,  which  prov'd  clearly  what  our  captain  sus 
pected,  that  she  was  loaded  too  much  by  the  head. 
The  casks  of  water,  it  seems,  had  been  all  plac'd  for 
ward;  these  he  therefore  order 'd  to  be  mov'd  further 
aft,  on  which  the  ship  recover 'd  her  character  and 
proved  the  best  sailer  in  the  fleet. 

The  captain  said  she  had  once  gone  at  the  rate 
of  thirteen  knots,  which  is  accounted  thirteen  miles 
per  hour.  We  had  on  board,  as  a  passenger,  Captain 
Kennedy  of  the  Navy,  who  contended  that  it  was 
impossible  and  that  no  ship  ever  sailed  so  fast  and 
that  there  must  have  been  some  error  in  the  division 
of  the  log-line  or  some  mistake  in  heaving  the  log. 
A  wager  ensu'd  between  the  two  captains,  to  be  de 
cided  when  there  should  be  sufficient  wind.  Ken 
nedy  thereupon  examin'd  rigorously  the  log-line  and 
being  satisfied  with  that,  he  determin'd  to  throw  the 
log  himself.  Accordingly  some  days  after  when  the 
wind  blew  very  fair  and  fresh  and  the  captain  of 
the  paquet,  Lutwidge,  said  he  believ'd  she  then  went 
at  the  rate  of  thirteen  knots,  Kennedy  made  the  ex 
periment  and  own'd  his  wager  lost. 

The  above  fact  I  give  for  the  sake  of  the  following 
observation.  It  has  been  remark 'd  as  an  imperfec- 


1731-1737]          Benjamin  Franklin  305 

tion  in  the  art  of  ship-building,  that  it  can  never  be 
known  till  she  is  tried,  whether  a  new  ship  will  or 
will  not  be  a  good  sailer,  for  that  the  model  of  a  good- 
sailing  ship  has  been  exactly  follow 'd  in  a  new  one, 
which  has  prov'd,  on  the  contrary,  remarkably  dull. 
I  apprehend  that  this  may  partly  be  occasion 'd  by 
the  different  opinions  of  seamen  respecting  the  modes 
of  lading,  rigging  and  sailing  of  a  ship ;  each  has  his 
system,  and  the  same  vessel,  laden  by  the  judgment 
and  orders  of  one  captain,  shall  sail  better  or  worse 
than  when  by  the  orders  of  another.  Besides,  it 
scarce  ever  happens  that  a  ship  is  form'd,  fitted  for 
the  sea  and  sail'd  by  the  same  person.  One  man 
builds  the  hull,  another  rigs  her,  a  third  lades  and 
sails  her.  No  one  of  these  has  the  advantage  of 
knowing  all  the  ideas  and  experience  of  the  others, 
and  therefore,  can  not  draw  just  conclusions  from  a 
combination  of  the  whole. 

Even  in  the  simple  operation  of  sailing  when  at 
sea,  I  have  often  observ'd  different  judgments  in  the 
officers  who  commanded  the  successive  watches,  the 
wind  being  the  same.  One  would  have  the  sails 
trimm'd  sharper  or  flatter  than  another,  so  that  they 
seem'd  to  have  no  certain  rule  to  govern  by.  Yet  I 
think  a  set  of  experiments  might  be  instituted,  first, 
to  determine  the  most  proper  form  of  the  hull  for 
swift  sailing;  next,  the  best  dimensions  and  proper- 
est  place  for  the  masts ;  then  the  form  and  quantity 
of  sails,  and  their  position,  as  the  wind  may  be; 
and,  lastly,  the  disposition  of  the  lading.  This  is  an 
age  of  experiments  and  I  think  a  set  accurately 
made  and  combin'd  would  be  of  great  use.  I  am 


VOL.  I. — 20. 


3°6  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

persuaded,  therefore,  that  ere  long  some  ingenious 
philosopher  will  undertake  it,  to  whom  I  wish 
success. 

We  were  several  times  chas'd  in  our  passage,  but 
outsail 'd  every  thing,  and  in  thirty  days  had  sound 
ings.  We  had  a  good  observation  and  the  captain 
judg'd  himself  so  near  our  port,  Falmouth,  that,  if 
we  made  a  good  run  in  the  night,  we  might  be  off 
the  mouth  of  that  harbor  in  the  morning  and  by 
running  in  the  night  might  escape  the  notice  of  the 
enemy's  privateers  who  often  cruis'd  near  the  en 
trance  of  the  channel.  Accordingly,  all  the  sail  was 
set  that  we  could  possibly  make  and  the  wind  being 
very  fresh  and  fair  we  went  right  before  it  and  made 
great  way.  The  captain,  after  his  observation, 
shap'd  his  course,  as  he  thought,  so  as  to  pass  wide 
of  the  Scilly  Isles,  but  it  seems  there  is  sometimes 
a  strong  indraught  setting  up  St.  George's  Channel 
which  deceives  seamen  and  caused  the  loss  of  Sir 
Cloudesley  Shovel's  squadron.  This  indraught  was 
probably  the  cause  of  what  happened  to  us. 

We  had  a  watchman  plac'd  in  the  bow,  to  whom 
they  often  called,  "Look  well  out  before  there,"  and 
he  as  often  answered,  "Ay,  ay";  but  perhaps  had 
his  eyes  shut  and  was  half  asleep  at  the  time,  they 
sometimes  answering,  as  is  said,  mechanically;  for 
he  did  not  see  a  light  just  before  us,  which  had  been 
hid  by  the  studding-sails  from  the  man  at  the  helm, 
and  from  the  rest  of  the  watch,  but  by  an  accidental 
yaw  of  the  ship  was  discover 'd,  and  occasion 'd  a 
great  alarm,  we  being  very  near  it,  the  light  ap 
pearing  to  me  as  big  as  a  cart-wheel.  It  was 


Benjamin  Franklin  307 

midnight  and  our  captain  fast  asleep  but  Captain 
Kennedy,  jumping  upon  deck  and  seeing  the  danger, 
ordered  the  ship  to  wear  round,  all  sails  standing; 
an  operation  dangerous  to  the  masts  but  it  carried 
us  clear  and  we  escaped  shipwreck,  for  we  were  run 
ning  right  upon  the  rocks  on  which  the  light-house 
was  erected.  This  deliverance  impressed  me  strongly 
with  the  utility  of  light-houses,  and  made  me  resolve 
to  encourage  the  building  more  of  them  in  America 
if  I  should  live  to  return  there. 

In  the  morning  it  was  found  by  the  soundings,  etc., 
that  we  were  near  our  port  but  a  thick  fog  hid  the 
land  from  our  sight.  About  nine  o'clock  the  fog 
began  to  rise  and  seem'd  to  be  lifted  up  from  the 
water  like  the  curtain  at  a  play-house,  discovering 
underneath,  the  town  of  Falmouth,  the  vessels  in  its 
harbor,  and  the  fields  that  surrounded  it.  This  was 
a  most  pleasing  spectacle  to  those  who  had  been  so 
long  without  any  other  prospects  than  the  uniform 
view  of  a  vacant  ocean  and  it  gave  us  the  more 
pleasure  as  we  were  now  free  from  the  anxieties 
which  the  state  of  war  occasion 'd. 

I  set  out  immediately,  with  my  son,  for  London, 
and  we  only  stopt  a  little  by  the  way  to  view  Stone- 
henge  on  Salisbury  Plain  and  Lord  Pembroke's 
house  and  gardens  with  his  very  curious  antiquities 
at  Wilton.  We  arrived  in  London  the  2;th  of  July, 

1757. 

"V 

[Here  terminates  the  Autobiography,  as  published  by  Wil 
liam  Temple  Franklin  and  his  successors.  What  follows  was 
written  the  last  year  of  Dr.  Franklin's  life,  and  was  never 


308  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

before  printed  in  English. — Bigelow's  Autobiography  of  Frank 
lin,  1868,  p.  350,  note.] 


As  soon  as  I  was  settled  in  a  lodging  Mr.  Charles 
had  provided  for  me,  I  went  to  visit  Dr.  Fothergill, 
to  whom  I  was  strongly  recommended,  and  whose 
counsel  respecting  my  proceedings  I  was  advis'd  to 
obtain.  He  was  against  an  immediate  complaint 
to  government,  and  thought  the  proprietaries  should 
first  be  personally  appli'd  to,  who  might  possibly  be 
indue 'd  by  the  interposition  and  persuasion  of  some 
private  friends  to  accommodate  matters  amicably. 
I  then  waited  on  my  old  friend  and  correspondent, 
Mr.  Peter  Collinson,  who  told  me  that  John  Hanbury, 
the  great  Virginia  merchant,  had  requested  to  be  in 
formed  when  I  should  arrive,  that  he  might  carry  me 
to  Lord  Granville's,  who  was  then  President  of  the 
Council  and  wished  to  see  me  as  soon  as  possible.  I 
agreed  to  go  with  him  the  next  morning.  Accord 
ingly  Mr.  Hanbury  called  for  me  and  took  me  in  his 
carriage  to  that  nobleman's,  who  receiv'd  me  with 
great  civility;  and  after  some  questions  respecting 
the  present  state  of  affairs  in  America  and  discourse 
thereupon,  he  said  to  me:  "You  Americans  have 
wrong  ideas  of  the  nature  of  your  constitution ;  you 
contend  that  the  king's  instructions  to  his  governors 
are  not  laws,  and  think  yourselves  at  liberty  to  re 
gard  or  disregard  them  at  your  own  discretion.  But 
those  instructions  are  not  like  the  pocket  instruc 
tions  given  to  a  minister  going  abroad,  for  regulating 
his  conduct  on  some  trifling  point  of  ceremony.  They 
are  first  drawn  up  by  judges  learned  in  the  laws; 


Benjamin  Franklin  309 

they  are  then  considered,  debated,  and  perhaps 
amended  in  Council,  after  which  they  are  signed  by 
the  king.  They  are  then,  so  far  as  they  relate  to  you, 
the  law  of  the  land,  for  the  king  is  the  LEGISLATOR  OF 
THE  COLONIES."  I  told  his  lordship  this  was  new 
doctrine  to  me.  I  had  always  understood  from  our 
charters  that  our  laws  were  to  be  made  by  our  As 
semblies,  to  be  presented  indeed  to  the  king  for  his 
royal  assent,  but  that  being  once  given,  the  king 
could  not  repeal  or  alter  them.  And  as  the  Assem 
blies  could  not  make  permanent  laws  without  his 
assent,  so  neither  could  he  make  a  law  for  them 
without  theirs.  He  assur'd  me  I  was  totally  mis 
taken.  I  did  not  think  so,  however,  and  his  lord 
ship's  conversation  having  a  little  alarm  'd  me  as  to 
what  might  be  the  sentiments  of  the  court  concern 
ing  us,  I  wrote  it  down  as  soon  as  I  re  turn 'd  to  my 
lodgings.1  I  recollected  that  about  20  years  before, 
a  clause  in  a  bill  brought  into  Parliament  by  the  min 
istry  had  propos'd  to  make  the  king's  instructions 
laws  in  the  colonies,  but  the  clause  was  thrown  out 
by  the  Commons,  for  which  we  adored  them  as  our 
friends  and  friends  of  liberty,  till  by  their  conduct 
towards  us  in  1765  it  seem'd  that  they  had  refus'd 
that  point  of  sovereignty  to  the  king  only  that  they 
might  reserve  it  for  themselves. 

After  some  days,  Dr.  Fothergill  having  spoken  to 
the  proprietaries,  they  agreed  to  a  meeting  with  me 
at  Mr.  T.  Penn's  house  in  Spring  Garden.  The  con 
versation  at  first  consisted  of  mutual  declarations 

1  For  another  account  of  this  conversation  with  Granville  see  infra, 
letter  from  Franklin  to  Mr.  James  Bowdoin,  dated  13  January,  1772. 


310  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

of  disposition  to  reasonable  accommodations,  but  I 
suppose  each  party  had  its  own  ideas  of  what  should 
be  meant  by  reasonable.  We  then  went  into  con 
sideration  of  our  several  points  of  complaint,  which 
I  enumerated.  The  proprietaries  justify 'd  their 
conduct  as  well  as  they  could,  and  I  the  Assembly's. 
We  now  appeared  very  wide,  and  so  far  from  each 
other  in  our  opinions  as  to  discourage  all  hope  of 
agreement.  However,  it  was  concluded  that  I 
should  give  them  the  heads  of  our  complaints  in 
writing,  and  they  promis'd  then  to  consider  them. 
I  did  so  soon  after,  but  they  put  the  paper  into  the 
hands  of  their  solicitor,  Ferdinand  John  Paris,  who 
managed  for  them  all  their  law  business  in  their 
great  suit  with  the  neighbouring  proprietary  of 
Maryland,  Lord  Baltimore,  which  had  subsisted  70 
years,  and  wrote  for  them  all  their  papers  and  mes 
sages  in  their  dispute  with  the  Assembly.  He  was 
a  proud,  angry  man,  and  as  I  had  occasionally  in 
the  answers  of  the  Assembly  treated  his  papers  with 
some  severity,  they  being  really  weak  in  point  of 
argument  and  haughty  in  expression,  he  had  con 
ceived  a  mortal  enmity  to  me,  which  discovering 
itself  whenever  we  met,  I  declin'd  the  proprietary's 
proposal  that  he  and  I  should  discuss  the  heads  of 
complaint  between  our  two  selves,  and  refus'd  treat 
ing  with  any  one  but  them.  They  then  by  his  ad 
vice  put  the  paper  into  the  hands  of  the  Attorney 
and  Solicitor-General  for  their  opinion  and  counsel 
upon  it,  where  it  lay  unanswered  a  year  wanting 
eight  days,  during  which  time  I  made  frequent 
demands  for  an  answer  from  the  proprietaries,  but 


1731-1757]  Benjamin  Franklin  311 

without  obtaining  any  other  than  that  they  had  not 
yet  received  the  opinion  of  the  Attorney  and  Solici 
tor-General.  What  it  was  when  they  did  receive  it, 
I  never  learnt  for  they  did  not  communicate  it  to 
me,  but  sent  a  long  message  to  the  Assembly  drawn 
and  signed  by  Paris,  reciting  my  paper,  complaining 
of  its  want  of  formality,  as  a  rudeness  on  my  part, 
and  giving  a  flimsy  justification  of  their  conduct, 
adding  that  they  should  be  willing  to  accommodate 
matters  if  the  Assembly  would  send  out  some  person 
of  candour  to  treat  with  them  for  that  purpose,  in 
timating  thereby  that  I  was  not  such. 

The  want  of  formality  or  rudeness  was,  probably, 
my  not  having  address 'd  the  paper  to  them  with 
their  assum'd  titles  of  True  and  Absolute  Proprie 
taries  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  which  I 
omitted  as  not  thinking  it  necessary  in  a  paper  the 
intention  of  which  was  only  to  reduce  to  a  certainty 
by  writing  what  in  conversation  I  had  delivered  viva 
voce. 

But  during  this  delay,  the  Assembly  having  pre 
vailed  with  Gov'r  Denny  to  pass  an  act  taxing  the 
proprietary  estate  in  common  with  the  estates  of 
the  people,  which  was  the  grand  point  in  dispute, 
they  omitted  answering  the  message. 

When  this  act  however  came  over,  the  proprie 
taries,  counselled  by  Paris,  determined  to  oppose  its 
receiving  the  royal  assent.  Accordingly  they  pe 
tition 'd  the  king  in  Council,  and  a  hearing  was  ap 
pointed  in  which  two  lawyers  were  employ 'd  by 
them  against  the  act,  and  two  by  me  in  support  of 
it.  They  alledg'd  that  the  act  was  intended  to  load 


312  Autobiography  of  [1731-1757 

the  proprietary  estate  in  order  to  spare  those  of  the 
people,  and  that  if  it  were  suffer 'd  to  continue  in 
force,  and  the  proprietaries  who  were  in  odium  with 
the  people  left  to  their  mercy  in  proportioning  the 
taxes,  they  would  inevitably  be  ruined.  We  reply 'd 
that  the  act  had  no  such  intention  and  would  have 
no  such  effect;  that  the  assessors  were  honest  and 
discreet  men  under  an  oath  to  assess  fairly  and 
equitably,  and  that  any  advantage  each  of  them 
might  expect  in  lessening  his  own  tax  by  augmenting 
that  of  the  proprietaries  was  too  trifling  to  induce 
them  to  perjure  themselves.  This  is  the  purport  of 
what  I  remember  as  urged  by  both  sides,  except  that 
we  insisted  strongly  on  the  mischievous  consequences 
that  must  attend  a  repeal,  for  that  the  money, 
£100,000,  being  printed  and  given  to  the  king's  use, 
expended  in  his  service,  and  now  spread  among  the 
people,  the  repeal  would  strike  it  dead  in  their  hands 
to  the  ruin  of  many,  and  the  total  discouragement  of 
future  grants,  and  the  selfishness  of  the  proprietors 
in  soliciting  such  a  general  catastrophe,  merely  from 
a  groundless  fear  of  their  estate  being  taxed  too 
highly,  was  insisted  on  in  the  strongest  terms.  On 
this,  Lord  Mansfield,  one  of  the  counsel  rose,  and 
beckoning  me  took  me  into  the  clerk's  chamber, 
while  the  lawyers  were  pleading,  and  asked  me  if  I 
was  really  of  opinion  that  no  injury  would  be  done 
the  proprietary  estate  in  the  execution  of  the  act. 
I  said  certainly.  "Then,"  says  he,  "you  can  have 
little  objection  to  enter  into  an  engagement  to  assure 
that  point."  I  answer'd,  "None  at  all."  He  then 
call'd  in  Paris,  and  after  some  discourse  his  lordship's 


I73J-I757l          Benjamin  Franklin  313 

proposition  was  accepted  on  both  sides;  a  paper  to 
the  purpose  was  drawn  up  by  the  Clerk  of  the  Coun 
cil,  which  I  sign'd  with  Mr.  Charles,  who  was  also  an 
Agent  of  the  Province  for  their  ordinary  affairs, 
when  Lord  Mansfield  returned  to  the  Council  Cham 
ber,  where  finally  the  law  was  allowed  to  pass.  Some 
changes  were  however  recommended  and  we  also 
engaged  they  should  be  made  by  a  subsequent  law, 
but  the  Assembly  did  not  think  them  necessary ;  for 
one  year's  tax  having  been  levied  by  the  act  before 
the  order  of  Council  arrived,  they  appointed  a  com 
mittee  to  examine  the  proceedings  of  the  assessors, 
and  on  this  committee  they  put  several  particular 
friends  of  the  proprietaries.  After  a  full  enquiry, 
they  unanimously  sign'd  a  report  that  they  found 
the  tax  had  been  assess  'd  with  perfect  equity. 

The  Assembly  looked  into  my  entering  the  first 
part  of  the  engagement,  as  an  essential  service  to  the 
Province,  since  it  secured  the  credit  of  the  paper 
money  then  spread  over  all  the  country.  They  gave 
me  their  thanks  in  form  when  I  return 'd.  But  the 
proprietaries  were  enraged  at  Governor  Denny  for 
having  pass'd  the  act,  and  turn'd  him  out  with 
threats  of  suing  him  for  breach  of  instructions  which 
he  had  given  bond  to  observe.  He,  however,  having 
done  it  at  the  instance  of  the  General,  and  for  His 
Majesty's  service,  and  having  some  powerful  interest 
at  court,  despis'd  the  threats  and  they  were  never 
put  in  execution.1 

1  In  reference  to  Gov'r  Denny's  removal,  see  also  a  letter  which 
Franklin  wrote  to  his  wife  while  the  negotiations  here  described  were 
progressing,  and  dated  June  10,  1758. 


INDEX 


Academy,  founded  by  Franklin, 

239 
the  church  built  for  Whitefield 

purchased  for,  239 
not  sectarian,  239 
incorporated,  241 
became  the  University  of  Penn 
sylvania,  241 
torn  down,  241 
Adams,  Matthew,  lends  Franklin 

books,  48 

Albany,  congress  of  commission 
ers    to    treat    with    the    Six 
Nations  held  there,  256 
Alexander,  James,  257 
Allen,  William,  229 
America,   parliamentary  plan  to 

tax,  258 
Lord   Granville's  view  of  the 

rights  of,  308 
Amherst,  General,  299 
"Art  of  Thinking,"  53 
"Art  of   Virtue/'  the  title  of  a 
work  projected  by  Franklin, 
200,  204 
Assembly,   Franklin  many  years 

a  member  of,  234 
Franklin   moves   the  purchase 
of  a  fire-engine  to  get  money 
for  the  defence  of  the  colony, 

235 
bill  introduced    to  incorporate 

a    hospital,  246 
bill    to    pave    and    light    the 

streets,  249 
petitions  the  king  against  the 

pretensions   of   the   proprie 
taries,  296 
sends  Franklin  as  its  agent  to 

London,  296 
Franklin's  interview  with  Lord 

Granville   about    complaints 

of,  308 
its  action  justified  by  Franklin, 


Baird,  Dr.,  his  faith  in  Franklin, 

!56 

Baltimore,  Lord,  310 
Beatty,  Mr.,  chaplain,  complained 
that  troops  do  not  attend  his 
prayers;  Franklin's  remedy, 
283 
Bethlehem,      troops      assembled 

there,  279 

ten  farmers  of,   killed  by  In 
dians,  280 
Bishop  of  St.  Asaph's.     See  Dr. 

Snipley. 

Blackbeard,  the  pirate,  49 
Bond,  Dr.  Phineas,  anecdote  of, 

276 

founds  a  hospital  in  Philadel 
phia,  244 

interview  with  Franklin,  245 
Bonnell,  Captain,   anecdote  told 

by,  of  Lord  Loudoun,  300 
Boston  News-Letter,  56 
Braddock,  General,  sent  to  Vir- 

ginia,  263 
is  visited  at  Fredenctown  by 

Franklin,  263 
gives    Franklin    a    commission 

to  procure  wagons,  264 
defeat  and  flight,  270-274 
account  of,   by  Franklin,  27.2 
papers  lost,   comments  of,  on 

Franklin's  services,   274 
Bradford,  Andrew,  67 
Franklin  lodges  with,  68 
postmaster,  167 
forbids  the  postmen  to  carry 

Franklin's  paper,   168 
Bradford,    William,    first  printer 

in  Pennsylvania,  60 
removed  to  New  York,  60 
advises  Franklin  to  seek  em 
ployment    with    his    son    in 
Philadelphia,  60 

Breintnal,    Joseph,    member    of 
thejumto,  153 


3*5 


316 


Index 


Breintnal,      Joseph,       befriends 

Franklin,  166 
Brogden,  Charles,  82 
Brown,  Dr.,  hotel  of,  at  Burling 
ton,  63 

his  travestie  of  the  Bible,  63 
Brownell,      George,      Franklin's 

teacher,  42 
Bunyan's    Works    purchased    by 

Franklin,  47 

Burnet,  Governor,  cultivates  the 
acquaintance  of  Franklin, 
76 

marriage  of,  76 
library  of,  76 

his  theological  writings,  76 
his   censorship   of   the   clergy, 

76 
Franklin's    comments    on    one 

of  his  messages,  1 60 
Burton's    (R.)    historical    collec 
tions  purchased  by  Franklin, 
47 

Cambridge    College    confers    de- 

free  of  Master  of  Arts   on 
ranklin,  256 

Canton,  Mr.,  verifies  Franklin's 
experiment  for  procuring 
lightning  from  clouds  by  a 
pointed  rod,  293 

Carlisle,  treaty  with  the  Indians 

at,  243 
conduct  of  the  Indians,  244 

Chapel,  whv  so  called,  97 

Charles,  Mr.,  provides  lodgings 
for  Franklin  in  London,  308 

Clair,  St., John,  268 

Clapham,  Colonel,  takes  Frank 
lin's  command,  284 

Clifton,  John,  250 

Clinton,  Governor,  Franklin  dines 
with,  229 

Cocker's  Arithmetic,  53 

Coleman,  William,  154 

i    befriends    Franklin,    163,    164, 

l65 

Collins,  John,  a  bookish  acquaint 
ance  of  Franklin,  49 
habits  of  disputation,  49 
dispute  about  the  propriety  of 
educating  the  female  sex,  50 
correspondence  on  the  subject, 

5° 

superiority     of     his     style     to 
Franklin's.  50 


Collins,  John,  engages  a  passage 
for  Franklin  to  go  to  New 
York,  60 

determines  to  go  to  Philadel 
phia,  73 

acquires  bad  habits,  76 
borrows  money  of  Franklin,  76 
adventure  of,  in  a  boat,  77 
goes  to  Barbadoes  as  a  tutor,  78 
Collinson,    Peter,    sends    a    glass 
tube,    etc.,   to   Philadelphia, 
289 

Franklin  writes  to,  290 
gives  letters  to  Cave  to  publish, 

290 

Congress,  Franklin's  plan  of  a 
union  of  the  colonies  laid 
before,  and  approved,  257, 
258 

Cooper's  Creek,  Franklin  enters,  64 
Copley    medal,    speech    of    Lord 
Macclesfield    on    presenting, 
brought  over  by  Gov.  Denny, 
294 
"Crusoe"  by  Defoe,  61 

Dalibard,  success  of  experiments 
of,  with  De  Lor,  brought 
Franklin's  letters  on  elec 
tricity  into  notice,  294 

De  Foe's  "Essay  on   Projects," 

' '  Robinson  Crusoe  " ;  "  Moll 
Flanders  " ;  "  Religious  Court 
ship  " ;  "  Family  instructor, ' ' 
61 

De   Lor,  success  of  experiments 
of,   with    Dalibard,   brought 
Franklin's    letters    on    elec 
tricity  into  notice,  292 
Denham,  Dr.,  befriends  Franklin, 

87,  88,  89 

advice  to  Franklin,  101 
instance  of  his  honesty,  101 
engages  Franklin  as  clerk,  101 
Denny,     Captain,     Governor     ot 

Pennsylvania,  261 
disobeys    instructions    of    the 

proprietaries,     261,    311 
arrival  of,   in  the  colony,   294 
brings     Franklin     the     Copley 

medal,  294 

advances  to  Franklin,  294 
disputes    with    the    Assembly, 

295 
description  of,  295,  296 


Index 


Denny,  Captain,  indignation   of 

proprietaries  toward,  313 
letter  about,  from  Franklin,  313 
Dunbar,  Colonel,   269 

ignominious  flight  of,  273 
disregards      his      promise      to 

Franklin,  275 
Dunkers,  236 


Ecton,    in    England,    Franklin's 
family  had  lived  there  300 
years,  33 
his  grandfather  was  born  there, 

34 

Electricity,    origin   of   Franklin's 
experiments  in,  289 

letters  on,  to  Collinson  and 
others,  290 

Count  Buffon  persuades  Dali- 
bard  to  translate  them  into 
French,  291 

criticised  by  Abbe"   Nollet,  291 

summary  of  the  experiments 
printed  among  the  transac 
tions  of  the  Royal  Society, 

2  93 

chosen  a  member  of  the  Royal 

Society,  293 

Emmons,       Mrs.,       great-grand 
daughter    of    Franklin,  37 

possesses  the  MS.  volumes  of 
poetry  of  Benjamin  Frank 
lin,  the  dyer,  37 


"Family  Instructor,"  by  De  Foe, 

61 
Fire  company,  first  one  organized 

by  Franklin,  219 
most  of  the  members  Quakers, 

232 

anecdotes  of,  232,  235,  236 
Folger,    Abiah,    second    wife    of 

Franklin's  father,  39 
daughter  of   Peter   Folger,    39 
suckled  her  ten  children,  45 
epitaph  on,  45 

Folger,    Peter,    father   of    Abiah 

Folger,  Franklin's  mother,  39 

honorably  mentioned  by  Cotton 

Mather,  40 

specimen    of    his   verses,  40 
Fothergill,    Dr.    Franklin's   opin 
ion  of,  251 
Franklin's  proposal  to,  251,  253 


Fothergill,  advises  publication  of 
Franklin's  letters  to  Collinson 
and  others  on  electricity,  291 
advice     to     Franklin     on     his 
arrival  in   London  as  agent 
of  the  colonies,  308 
arranges  a  meeting  of  the  pro 
prietaries  with  Franklin,  293 

France,  war  with,  apprehended, 

256  > 
war  with,  commenced,  262 

Francis,  Mr.,  Attorney-General, 
helps  Franklin  draw  up  a  con 
stitution  for  an  academy,  239 

Franklin,  commenced  his  Memoirs, 

31 
motives  for  writing  his  Memoirs. 

31 

would  have  no  objection  to 
live  his  life  over,  31 

considered  vanity  one  of  the 
comforts  of  life.  32 

receives  from  an  uncle  some 
notes  relating  to  his  ances 
tors,  33 

his  family  had  lived  in  Ecton, 
in  Northamptonshire,  33 

the  ancient  name  of  a  rank  or 
order  in  England,  33 

named  after  his  uncle  Ben 
jamin,  37 

found  a  collection  of  pamphlets 
in  London  which  this  uncle 
had  made,  37 

-  family  became  Protestants  at 
an  early  period  of  the  Refor 
mation,  38 

anecdote  about  reading  the 
Bible  during  the  reign  of 
Queen  Mary,  39 

where  born  and  when,  39 

put  to  a  grammar-school  at 
eight  years  of  age,  41 

at  the  head  of  his  class,  42     • 

intended  for  the  church,  42 

sent  to  school  for  writing  and 
arithmetic,  42 

discontented  with  tallow  chand 
lery,  46 

sent  to  learn  the  cutlery  trade 
with  his  cousin  Samuel,  47 

taken  home  again,  47 

fond  of  reading,  47 

purchases  Bunyan's  works,  47 

sells  them  to  buy  R.  Burton's 
historical  collections,  47 


3X» 


Index 


Franklin,  failed  in  arithmetic,  42 
at  ten  leaves  school  and  assists 

his  father  to  cut  wicks  for 

candles,  etc.,  45 
dislikes  his  trade,  45 
inclination  for  the  sea,  45 
discouraged  by  his  father,  42 
builds    a    fishing    wharf    with 

stones  intended  for  a  house, 

43 

ensured  by  his  father,  43 
description  of  his  father,  43 
description  of  his  mother,  45 
places  a  marble  inscription  over 

his  parents'  grave,  45 
reads  "Plutarch's  Lives,"   De 

Foe's  "Essay  on  Projects," 

Dr.  Mather's  "Essays  to  Do 

Good,"  47 
bound  as  a  printer's  apprentice 

to    his    brother    James,    48 
measures  taken  to  gratify  his 

taste  for  reading,  48 
borrowed    books    of    Matthew 

Adams,  48 
writes    ballads,     "The    Light- 

House  Tragedy,"  49 
is  sent  to  hawk  them  about  the 

streets,  49 
discouraged  by  his  father  from 

verse-making,  49 
devotes  himself  to  prose  writ 

ing,  49, 
makes     the     acquaintance     of 

John  Collins,  49 
fondness    for    disputation    ac 

quired,  49 
why  discouraged,  49 
disputes  with  Collins  about  the 

relative  capacity  of  the  two 

sexes,  51 
correspondence  on  the  subject, 

50 
criticisms  of  his  father  there 

upon,  50 

reads  The  Spectator,  50 
imitates  it,  51 
advantages  of   these  exercises, 

51 
spends  Sundays  in  the  print 

ing-office,  51 

adopts  a  vegetable  diet,  5  1 
advantages  it  gave  him  over  the 


other  apprentices,  5 
udies  Cocker's  Arith 


studies  Cocker's  Arithmetic,  53 
studies  navigation,  53 


Franklin,     Locke    on     "Human 

Understanding,"  53 
"Art  of  Thinking,  "53 
Greenwood's  English  Grammar, 

Xenophon's  "Memorabilia,  "53 
Shaftesbury  and  Collins,  53 
adopts  the  Socratic  method  of 

disputation,  53 
abandoned  it  and  why,  54 
writes  for  his  brother's  news 
paper,  and  carries  the  paper 

to  subscribers,    57 
encouraged  by  his  success  as  a 

writer,  57 
differences    arise    between  him 

and  his  brother,  5  7 
sustained     generally     by     his 

father,  57 
his  brother  imprisoned  for  an 

article  in  the  paper,  58 
examined  before  the  council  and 

admonished,  58 
manages  the  paper  during  his 

brother's    imprisonment,    58 
Courant  published  in  the  name 

°f,  58 
old  indentures  returned  to  him, 

59 
fresh      differences      with      his 

brother,  59 

first  erratum  of  his  life,  59 
leaves  his  brother,  59 
brother    prevents    his    getting 

work  in  Boston,  59 
determines  to  leave  Boston,  59 
father  opposes  his  leaving,   60 
Collins  assists  him,  60 
takes   passage   on   a   sloop   for 

New  York,  60 
arrival  in  New  York,  60 
offers  his  service  to  Wm.  Brad 
ford,  60 
is  advised  to  go  to  Philadelphia, 

60 

takes  passage  for  Amboy,  61 
is  driven  by  a  storm  on  Long 

Island,  6 1 
saves    a    drunken    Dutchman 

from   drowning,    61 
Bunyan's  "Pilgrim's  Progress," 

61 
reaches  Amboy  in  thirty  hours, 

62 

journey  to  Burlington,  62 
Dr.  Brown,  63 


Index 


Franklin,     stay    at     Burlington, 

63 

voyage  to  Philadelphia,  64 
lands  at  Market  Street  wharf, 

64 
situation    and    appearance    of, 

on  arriving,  64 
first  breakfast  in  Philadelphia, 

65 

is  seen  by  his  future  wife,  6$ 
-  first  religious  worship  in  Phila 
delphia,  66 

first  sleep  in  Philadelphia,  66 
lodges  at  the  Crooked  Billet,  66 
calls  upon  Andrew  Bradford,  67 
is    employed    by    Keimer,    68 
boards  with  Mr.  Read,  69 
is     encouraged     by     Governor 

Keith,  70 

urged  by  him  to  set  up  a  print 
ing-press,  70 
goes  to  Boston  to  consult  his 

father,  71  ^ 

visits  the  printing-office,  72 
anger  of  his  brother,  72 
his  father  discourages  the  print 
ing  enterprise,  73 
visits  his  brother  John  at  New 
port,  74 
adventure    on    the    voyage   to 

New  York,  74 
lends  money  to  Collins,  75 
makes     the     acquaintance     of 

Governor  Burnet,  76 
lends  Vernon's  money  to  Col 
lins,  77 

engages  with  Sir  William  Keith 
to  go  to  London  to  buy  equip 
ment  of  a  printing  office,  78 
returns  to  eating  meat,  80 
intercourse    of,    with    Keimer, 

80 

intimate  acquaintances  of,  82 
literary  exercises,  83 
sails  for  England,  87 
no  letters  in  the  mail  for  him 

from  Governor  Keith,  88 
arrival  in  London,  88 
knavery  of  Keith  discovered,  88 
gets  work  in  a  printing-office,  9 1 
writes  a  dissertation  on  ' '  Lib 
erty  and  Necessity,  Pleasure 
and  Pain,  "91 

new  London  acquaintances,  91 
sells  an  asbestos  purse  to  Sir 
Hans  Sloane,  92 


Franklin,  attempts  familiarities 
with  Ralph's  mistress,  93 

its  consequence,  94 

temperate  habits  in  London,  96 

difficulties  with  fellow  work 
men;  how  he  surmounted 
them,  97 

his  landlady  in  Duke  Street,  98 

a  maiden  lady  his  fellow  lodger, 
98 

teaches   swimming,    100 

swims  from  Chelsea  to  Black- 
friars,  100 

engaged  by  Mr.  Denham  as 
clerk,  101 

is  asked  to  teach  the  sons  of 
Sir  William  Windham,  102 

returns  to  Philadelphia,  140 

meets  Keith,  141 

death  of  Mr.  Denham,  141 

legacy  from,  141 

takes  the  management  of  Kei 
mer 's  printing-house,  142 

quarrels  with  Keimer  and  leaves 
him,  145 

projects  a  partnership  with 
Meredith,  146 

sends  to  England  for  a  printer's 
equipment,  146 

returns  to  work  for  Keimer,  147 
-religious  impressions,  148 

opens  his  new  printing-house, 

J51 

his  first  job,  151 
industry  and  frugality,  156 
their  effect  upon  his  credit,  157 
projects  a  newspaper,  157 
writes  the  Busy  Body,  157 
buys  out  Keimer's  paper,    157 
his  salutatory,    158 
attracts  attention  to  his  paper, 

1 60 
is  sued  for  the  price  of  their 

type,  162 

befriended    by    William    Cole- 
man  and  Robert  Grace,  162 
separation  from  Meredith,  163 
his  habits  at  this  time,  1 66 
marries  Miss  Read,  170 
projects    the    Philadelphia    LI- 

brary,  172 
mode    of    getting   subscriber^ 

181-184 
prosperity,  184 
progress     of     luxury     in     his 

family,  185 


320 


Index 


Franklin,   views  of  religion,   186 
disgusted  with  his  minister,  187 
conceives  the  project  of  arriv 
ing  at  perfection,  187 
mode  of  executing  it,  188 
plans  for  self-examination,  196 
want  of  order,  197 

Eride  of,  201 
ow    he    avoided    dogmatism, 

202 

projects  a  new  sect,  205 
its  creed,  205 

publishes    Poor    Richard's    Al 
manac,  206 
sends  a  journeyman  to  South 

Carolina,  209 
good  results  from  it,  210 
becomes     the      champion      of 

Hemphill,      a     Presbyterian 

preacher,  210 
quits     the     congregation     on 

Hemphill's  dismission,  211 
learns     the     French,     Italian, 

Spanish,  and  Latin  languages, 

212 
advises  the  study  of  the  living 

languages    before   the   dead, 

213 

revisits  Boston,  213 
visits  Newport,  214 
reconciliation  with  his  brother, 

214 
makes  amends  to  his  brother 

for  breaking  his  indentures, 

214 

loses  one  of  his  sons,  214 
recommends    inoculation,    214 
chosen  clerk  of  the  Assembly, 

2I5 

method  of,  to  disarm  an  oppo 
nent,  216 

appointed  postmaster,  217 
organizes  a  city  watch,  218 
organizes  a  fire  company,  219 
his     account     of     Whitefield, 

220 

projects  an  academy,  22^ 
establishes  a  Philosophical  So 
ciety,  227 

organizes  the  militia,  228 
declines   office   of   colonel,  229 
proposes    a   lottery   to   defray 
expense     of     building     and 
equipping    a    battery,  229 
•ent  to  New  York  to  borrow 
cannon,  229 


Franklin,  proposes  a  fast,  230 
why   he  would   not   resign   as 

clerk  of  Assembly,  231 
invents  a  stove,  237 
presents  the  model  to  R.  Grace, 

237 

writes  a  pamphlet  about  it,  237 

is  offered  a  patent  for  stove,  237 

declines  it,  and  why,  237 

writes  proposals  relating  to  the 
education  of  youth  in  Penn 
sylvania,  238 

formed  a  partnership  with 
David  Hall,  241 

purchased  Dr.  Spence's  philo 
sophical  apparatus,  242 

named  a  justice  of  the  peace, 
242 

named  a  member  of  the  Com 
mon  Council,  242 

named  a  burgess  to  the  Assem 
bly,  242 

declines  to  serve  as  justice  of 
the  peace,  242 

re-elected  to  the  Assembly  ten 
years,  243 

his  son  appointed  clerk  of  the 
Assembly,  243 

named  a  commissioner  to  treat 
with  the  Indians,  243 

reports  a  bill  incorporating  the 
Pennsylvania  Hospital,  245 

measures  taken  to  clean  and 
pave  the  streets,  248 

anecdote  of  street-sweeping  in 
London,  251 

proposal  to  Dr.  Fothergill,  251 

appointed   postmaster-general, 

maue  Master  of  Arts,  256 

appointed  to  confer  with  the 
bix  Nations,  256 

projects  a  plan  of  union  of  the 
colonies,  256 

lays  it  before  Congress,  256 

it  is  reported,  256 

dictates  Quincy's  address  to  the 
Assembly  of  Pennsylvania, 
asking  aid,  262 

plan  for  Quincy's  relief,  263 

their  friendship,  263 

visits  Gen.  Braddock,  264 

receives  a  commission  from 
the  General  to  purchase  hor 
ses,  wagons,  provisions,  etc., 
265 


Index 


321 


Franklin,  Braddock's  defeat,  270- 

274 

loss  by,  271 

his  opinion  of   Braddock,   271 

the  reward  he  asked  for  his 
services,  275 

recommended  by  Braddock  to 
the  government,  275 

appointed  to  superintend  the 
defence  of  the  northwestern 
frontier,  280 

measures  for  defence  at  Gna- 
denhut,  280 

resumes  his  seat  in  the  Assem 
bly,  284 

chosen  colonel  of  the  first  regi 
ment  of  militia,  286 

escorted  to  lower  ferry  on  his 
way  to  Lower  Virginia,  286 

indignation  of  the  proprietaries, 
287 

they  accuse  him  to  the  minis 
try,  287 

progress  of  electrical  experi 
ments  of,  289 

gives  accounts  of  his  experi 
ments  to  Mr.  Collinson,  290 

also  to  Mr.   Kinnersley,   290 

letters  shown  to  Dr.  Fother- 
gill,  291 

printed  in  a  pamphlet  by 
editor  of  Gentleman's  Maga 
zine,  291 

elected  a  member  of  the  Royal 
Society  free  of  expense, 
293 

presented  with  the  Copley 
medal,  294 

advances  of  Governor  Denny, 
294 

reply  to  the  governor,  295 

sent  to  London  as  agent  of  the 
colony,  293 

arrival  at  Falmouth,  307 

visits  Stonehenge  and  Lord 
Pembroke's  place  at  Wilton, 
307 

visits  Dr.  Fothergill  in  London, 
308 

visits  Peter  Collinson,  308 

calls  with  Mr.  Hanbury  upon 
Lord  Granville,  308 

important  interview  with,  308 

conference  at  T.  Penn's  house 
in  London  with  the  proprie 
taries,  309 


Franklin,  consulted  by  Lord 
Mansfield,  312 

satisfactory  arrangement  nego 
tiated,  313 

indignation  of  the  proprietaries, 

Franklin,  uncle  of  Dr.  Franklin, 
after  whom  he  was  named,  3  6 

bred  a  silk  dyer;  came  to 
America  and  lived  with  the 
Doctor's  father  in  Boston  to 
a  great  age,  36 

left  two  MS.  volumes  of  poe 
try,  36 

specimens,  37 

wrote  shorthand,  and  had  taken 
down  many  volumes  of  ser 
mons,  37 

proposed  to  give  them  to  his 
nephew,  41 

collection  of  pamphlets,  37 
Franklin,  James,  brother  of  Ben 
jamin,  48 

projects  a  newspaper,   48 

Benjamin  apprenticed  to  him, 
48 

encourages  Benjamin  to  write 
poetry,  49 

sends  him  about  the  town  to 
sell  his  ballads,  49 

starts  the  New  England  Cour- 
anty  55-56 

encourages  Benjamin  to  write 
for  him,  56 

differences  arise  between  him 
and  Benjamin,  57 

forbidden  to  publish  the  Cour- 
ant,  58 

Courant  continued  under  Ben 
jamin  Franklin's  name,  59 

new  quarrel  with  Benjamin,  59 

Benjamin  breaks  his  indentures 
and  leaves  for  New  York, 
60 

angry  with  Benjamin,   72 
Franklin,    John,    uncle     of     Dr. 
Franklin,  was  bred  a  dyer  of 
woollens,  36 

Franklin,  Josiah,  father  of  Dr. 
Franklin,  39 

married  young,  39 

moved  with  his  family  to  New 
England  in  1682,  39 

had  seventeen  children,  39 

Benjamin,  the  youngest  son,  39 

letter  from,  35 


322 


Index 


Franklin,  embarks  in  tallow  chan 
dlery,  42 

description  of,  by  Benjamin,  43 
epitaph  on,  45 
discourages      Benjamin      from 

writing   verses,  49 
criticises  his  prose,  50 
opposes  his  going  to  New  York, 

60 
Franklin,    Mrs.     Benjamin.     See 

Miss  Read. 
Franklin,    Samuel,    residence    in 

Boston,  36 
Franklin,   Thomas,  uncle  of  Dr. 

Franklin,  bred  a  smith,  35 
became  a  scrivener,  35 
died  in  1702,  four  years  before 

the  Doctor  was  born,  35 
Franklin,    William,    Governor  of 
New  Jersey;  Dr.   Franklin's 
Autobiography  addressed  to, 

appointed  clerk  of  Assembly, 
243 

accompanies  his  father  to  visit 
General  Braddock,  264 

authorized  to  contract  for  the 
purchase  of  horses,  wagons, 
provisions,  etc.,  for  Brad- 
dock's  army,  264 

drew  up  a  list  of  stores  required 
for  Braddock's  soldiers,  269 

aid-de-camp  to  his  father,  278 
Friends.  See  Quakers. 

Gentleman's    Magazine,    dialogue 

by  Franklin  in,  278 
editor  of,  publishes  Franklin's 

letters  on  electricity,  291 
Gnadenhut,  measures  for  defence 

at,  279-286 

Godfrey,  Thomas,  a  glazier,   151 
Franklin  boards  with,  151 
member  of  the  Junto,  153 
marriage  with  his  relative  pro 
jected  for  Franklin,  168 
why  abandoned,  169 
Grace,  Robert,   154 

befriends  Franklin,   163,  164 
Greenwood's  Grammar,  53 

Hall,  David,  Franklin's  partner, 
241 

Hamilton,  Mr.,  sails  with  Frank 
lin  to  London,  By 


Hamilton,  Mr.,  interests   himself 

for  Franklin,   162 
Governor,  names  commissioners 
to  treat  with  Six  Nations,  256 
superseded   by  Governor  Mor 
ris,   259 

quits  the  government,  261 
Hanbury,    John,    takes    Franklin 

to  see  Lord  Granville,  308 
Hemphill,  Presbyterian  preacher, 
Franklin  attends  his  church, 
210 

convicted    of    preaching    bor 
rowed  sermons,  211 
dismissed,  212 
Holmes,   Captain,  brother-in-law 

of  Franklin,  69 
speaks    of    him    to    Governor 

Keith,  70 

encourages  Franklin  to  estab 
lish  a  printing-press  in  Phila 
delphia,  71 

Hopkinson,  Thomas,  member  of 

Philosophical     Society,     227 

House,  George,  gives  Franklin  his 

first  job,  151 

Hume,  David,  remembers  seeing 
General  Braddock's  report 
highly  recommending  Frank 
lin,  275 

Hunter,  William,  appointed  post 
master  jointly  with  Franklin, 
255 

Innis,  his  opinion  of  Lord  Lou- 
doun,  299 

Junto,  the,  153-156 
first  members,  153 
plan  to  enlarge  its  usefulness, 
214 

Keimer  employs  Franklin,  68 
one  of  the  French  prophets,  68 
proposes  to  start  a  new  sect,  81 
eccentricities  of,  81 
engages  Franklin  again  on  his 

leturn  from  England,  142 
new  quarrel  and  separation,  145 
new  engagement  with,  147 
establishes  a  paper,  157 
sells  it  to  Franklin,  157 
Keith,  Sir  William,  visits  Frank 
lin,  and  invites  him  to  estab 
lish  a  printing-press,  70 


Index 


323 


Keith,  Sir  William,  proposes  to 
give  Franklin  the  money  to 
go  to  England  and  buy  the 
equipment  for  a  printing 
establishment,  78 
delay  in  furnishing  the  letters 

of  credit,  86 
goes  to  Barbadoes,  167 
Kennedy,  Captain,  wager  of,  304 
saves  the  ship  in  which  Frank 
lin  sailed  to  England,  293 
Kennedy,  Mr.,  251 

Lawrence,  Colonel,   229 
Library,    Philadelphia,    projected 

by  Franklin,  171 
"The  Lighthouse  Tragedy,"  49 
Locke  on  "Human  Understand 
ing,"  53 
Logan,  James,  anecdote  of  Wm. 

Penn  told  by,  234 
Lords  of  Trade  order  a  congress 
of   commissioners    to    confer 
with  the  Six  Nations,  256 
reject    Franklin's    plan    of    a 

union  of  the  colonies,  257 
Lottery    proposed    by    Franklin, 

229 
Loudoun,   Lord,   negotiates  with 

the  Assembly,  297 
his     indecision     of     character 

illustrated,  298 

Pitt's  reason  for  removing,  299 
expedition  to  Louisburg,  300 
criticism  of  his  campaign,  301 
neglects  to  settle  Franklin's 
accounts,  302,  303 

Macclesfield,  Lord,  address,  as 
President  of  the  Royal  So 
ciety,  to  Dr.  Franklin,  on 
presenting  him  the  Copley 
medal,  294 

"Magnalia    Christi    Americana," 

Mandeville,  Dr.,  Franklin  in 
troduced  to,  92 

Mansfield,  Lord,  negotiations  with 
Franklin,  312 

Mather,  Cotton,  40 

"Essays  to  Do  Good,"  47 

Maugridge,  William,  154 

Memoirs,    with     what    intention 

written,  172 
why  interrupted,    172 


Memoirs,  letters  concerning,  from 

Abel    James  and   Benj. 

Vaughan,  172—181 

Meredith,     Hugh,     pressman     in 

Keimer's  printing-house,  142 

contracts    a    partnership    with 

Franklin,  147 
member  of  the  Junto,  154 
father  of,  unable  to  pay  for  the 

type,  162 

and  Franklin  sued,  162 
retires    from    the  partnership 
and  goes  to  North  Carolina, 
163 
Mickle,    Samuel,    a    croaker;   his 

advice  to  Franklin,  152 
Militia    organized    by    Franklin, 

228 

"Moll  Flanders, "  by  De  Foe,  61 
Moravians  burned  out  by  Indians 

at  Gnadenhut,  279 
measures  for  defence  of,  279 
Franklin's    account    of,     279— 

286 

Morris,  James,  opposed  to  a  de 
fence  of  the  country;  anec 
dote  of,  232 
Morris,    Governor,    anecdote    of, 

259 

disputes  with  the  Assembly,  260 

friendly  relations  with  Frank 
lin,  260 

anecdote  of,  261 

replaced  by  Captain  Denny,  261 

New  England  Courant  founded  by 

James  Franklin,  55 
James  forbidden  to  print  it,  58 
Nollet,     Abbe",     writes     a     book 
questioning  Franklin's  theory 
of  electricity,  291 
Franklin  declines  to  answer  him, 

291 

M.  le  Roy   replies  to  him,  293 
Norris,  Speaker  of  the  Assembly, 

243 

named   commissioner   to  treat 
with  the  Indians,  243,  256 

Osborne,  Charles,  scrivener's  clerk, 

82 

trick  played  on,  84 
became  an  eminent  lawyer,  85 
singular  agreement  with  Frank 
lin,  86 
Ovid  cited,  184 


324 


Index 


Palmer's  printing-house  where 
Franklin  first  worked  in  Lon 
don,  o  i 

"  Pamela     of  Richardson,  61 

Paper  money,  clamor  for  more, 

164 

Franklin    writes    a    pamphlet 
on,  165 

Paris,    Ferdinand    John,    Frank 
lin's  description  of,  310 
writes  the  message  of  the  pro 
prietaries  to  the  Assembly, 
310 

Parsons,  William,  154 

Pembroke,  Lord,  Franklin  visits 
house  and  gardens  of,  at 
Wilton,  307 

Penn,  Thomas,  commissioner  to 
treat  with  the  Indians,  256 

Penn,  William,  anecdote  of,  233 

Pennsylvania  Gazette  founded,  158 
purchased  by  Franklin,   158 
extracts   from,    158 
mode  of  conducting,  208 

Pennsylvania,  governor  of,  ap 
proves  Franklin's  plan  of 
union  of  the  colonies,  259 

Pennsylvania   Hospital   founded, 

244 

bill  to  incorporate,  introduced, 
245 

Peters,  Mr.,  secretary  of  Assem 
bly,  commissioned  to  treat 
with  the  Six  Nations,  256 

Peters,  Rev.  Mr.,  227 

Philadelphia,  Franklin  determines 

to  go  there,  61 
Franklin  lands  at  Market  Street 

wharf,  64 

Franklin  projects  the  Library 
in,  171 

Philadelphia  regiment,  228 

Philosophical  Society  projected, 
227 

"  Plain  Truth  "  written  by  Frank 
lin,  227 

Plutarch's  Lives,  47 

Poor     Richard's     Almanac     pro 
jected,  206 
popularity  of,  207 

Postmaster,  Franklin  appointed, 
217,  255 

Pownall,  Governor,  sent  to  New 
York  for  aid,  262 

Proprietaries,  hereditary  quarrels, 
261 


Proprietaries  accuse  Franklin  to 

the  ministry,  287 
Franklin  gives  them,  in  writing, 

heads  of  the  colonists'  com 
plaints,  310 
indignant    at    military    honors 

paid  to  Franklin,  286 
meet  with  Franklin  at  T.  Penn's 

house,  309 
refused   to  'have   their  estates 

taxed  for  their  defence,  261, 

277,  287 
their  instructions  disobeyed  by 

Captain  Denny,  261 
they     complain     of     rudeness 

to  the  Assembly,  311 
Pythagoras'  Golden  Verses  cited, 

191 

Quakers,  230 

not  opposed  to  the  armed  de 
fence  of  the  colony,  231 
anecdote  respecting,  23 1 
address  to  them  by  Mr.  Logan 
in    favor    of    defending    the 
Colony,  233 

their  embarrassments,  234,  235 
decline  public  service  in  Assem 
bly,  237 

Quincy,    Mr.,    sent    to    Pennsyl 
vania  for  aid,  262 
friendship  for  Franklin,  263 

Ralph,   James,    82 

fond  of  writing  verses,  84 
trick   played    by   him   on    Os- 

borne,  84 

satirized  in  the  "Dunciad,"  86 
goes  to  England  with  Frank 
lin,  86 

borrows  money  of  Franklin,  90 
intrigue  with  a  milliner,  92 
opens  a  school,  93 

Suarrels  with  Franklin,  94 
overnor  Denny's  opinion  of, 
296 

Read,  Miss,  first  sees  Franklin,  65 
Franklin  goes  to  board  with  her 

father,  69 

courtship  of,  by  Franklin  sus 
pended,  69 

marries  Rogers,  a  potter,   141 
marries  Franklin,  170 
"Religious    Courtship,"    by    De 

Foe,  6 1 
Richardson's  "Pamela,"  61 


Index 


325 


Rogers,    first    husband    of    Miss 

Read,  141 

ran  away  to  the  West  Indies,  141 
Rose,  Aquila,  Philadelphia  printer, 

60 

his  death,  60 
elegy  on,  68 

Royal  Society,  a  summary  of 
Franklin's  electrical  experi 
ments  published  in  Transac 
tions  of,  293 

flattering  conditions  of  Frank 
lin's  election  into,  293 

Scull,  Nicholas,  154 
Seller  &  Shermy's  Navigation,  53 
Shaftesbury,  53 

Shipley,  Dr.,  Franklin  commenced 
his  Memoirs  while  visiting, 

31 
friend  of  Franklin  and  of  the 

colonies,  31 
Shirley,  Governor,  258 

secretary  of  General  Braddock, 

killed,  273 

General  appoints  commissioners 
to  examine  Franklin's  claims, 
276 
Franklin's  comparison  of,  with 

Lord  Loudoun,  301 
Six  Nations,  conference  with,  256 
Sloane,    Sir   Hans,    purchases   an 
asbestos  purse  of   Franklin, 
92 

Socratic  method,  53 
Spence,   Dr.,   Franklin  purchases 
philosophical    apparatus    of, 
242 

Spottiswood,  Colonel,  appoints 
Franklin  deputy  postmaster, 
217 

St.  Clair.     See  Clair. 
Streets,    cleaning,    lighting,    and 

paving  of,  248,  249 
sweeping   of,    proposal   to    Dr. 

Fothergill,  251, 

anecdote      respecting      street- 
sweeping,  251 

Taylor,  Abram,  229 
Tennent,  Gilbert,  247 
Thomas,  Governor,  235 

offers  Franklin  a  patent  for  his 

stove,  237 

conference  at  his  house  in  Lon 
don,  309 


Tryon,  author  of  a  book  recom 
mending  a  vegetable  diet,  52 

Union    Fire   Company   projected 

by  Franklin,  319 
University  of  Pennsylvania.     See 

Academy. 

Vanity  considered  by  Dr.  Frank 
lin  one  of  the  comforts  of 
life,  32 

Vernon,  gives  Franklin  an  order 

to  collect  some  money,  74 
asks  Franklin  for  it,  162 

Water-American,    The,    why    so 

called,  96 
Watson,  Joseph,  82 

Dr.,    prepared    a   summary   of 
Franklin's    electrical    experi 
ments  for  Royal  Society,  293 
Watts's  printing-house,  Franklin 

is  employed  in,  94 
Webb,    compositor    in    Keimer's 

printing-office,  143 
Franklin's  account  of,  143 
Welfare,  Michael,  his  account  of 
the  creed  of  the  Dunkers,  236 
Whitefield,  Rev.  Mr.,  visits  Phila 
delphia,  220 
his  popularity,  220 
church  built  for  him,  221 
asks  money  to  build  an  orphan 

asylum  in  Georgia,  222 
his  success,  220 
his  oratory,  224 

Windham,  Sir  Wm.,  asks  Frank 
lin  to  teach  his  sons  to  swim, 
102 

Wolfe,  General,  299 
Worthilake,  Capt.,  drowning  of, 

49 

Wright,  Dr.,  wrote  to  a  member 
of  the  Royal  Society  about 
Franklin's   electrical   experi 
ments,  293 
Wygate,     Franklin     teaches,     to 


swim.  100 


Xenophon's  "Memorabilia,"  53 

Young,  Dr.,  satire  on  the  folly  of 
pursuing  the  Muses,  guoted 
93 


Abraham  Lincoln 

Man  of  God 

By 
JOHN  WESLEY  HILL 

This  is,  perhaps,  the  first  book  on  Lincoln  ever 
published  to  show  that  the  mingling  of  goodness 
and  greatness  in  Lincoln's  character  was  so  con 
stant  from  the  first  that  it  is  difficult  to  tell 
where  the  one  ends,  and  the  other  begins.  Dr. 
Hill  makes  him  completely  human,  and  at  the 
same  time,  ever  mindful  of  the  mystic  and 
spiritual  in  life.  As  one  reads  these  pages,  he 
perceives  every  experience,  both  of  success  and 
failure,  ministering  to  the  making  of  a  godly  char 
acter.  One  sees  Lincoln  on  his  knees  at  every 
crisis,  with  his  Bible  daily  in  his  hand,  and  en 
deavoring  to  do  the  will  of  God.  Others  have 
argued  that  Lincoln  was  religious,  or  was  irre 
ligious.  Dr.  Hill  with  bold  strokes  paints  the 
picture  of  the  man  as  he  appeared  at  every  sig 
nificant  moment,  and  there  seems  no  place  in 
consequence  for  argument.  Deep  calls  unto  deep. 
A  man  of  God  emerges  into  view  as  the  narrative 
sweeps  swiftly  and  majestically  on  to  its  climax. 

G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons 

New  York  London 


"  The  best  summary  at  present  available  of  &9 
political  history  of  the  United  States." 

FRANK  H.  HODDER,  Professor  of  American  History  in  the 
University  of  Kansas. 


American  Political  History 

1763-1876 

By  Alexander  Johnston 

Edited  and  Supplemented  by 

James  Albert  Woodburn 

Professor  of  History  and  Political  Science,   Indiana    U»I« 

versity;  Author  of  ••  The  American  Republic," 

"  Political  Parties  and  Party  Problems 

in  the  United  States,"  etc. 

fn  two  parts  t  each  complete  in  itself  and  indexed^  Ocatvo. 


S.    The  Revolution,  the  Constitution,  and  the  Growth 
of  Nationality.    1763-1832. 

2,    The  Slavery  Controversy,  Secession,  Civil  War, 
and  Reconstruction.    1820-1876. 

These  volumes  present  the  principal  features  in  the  political  history 
Of  the  United  States  from  the  opening  of  the  American  Revolution  to 
the  close  of  the  era  of  the  Reconstruction.  They  give  in  more  con 
venient  form  the  series  of  articles  on  "American  Political  History  "  con 
tributed  to  Lalor's  "Cyclopedia  of  Political  Science,  Political  Economy, 
and  Political  History,"  by  the  late  Professor  Alexander  Johnston. 

/*  These  essays,  covering  the  whole  field  of  the  political  history  of  the 
United  States,  have  a  continuity  and  unity  of  purpose ;  introduced, 
Arranged  and  supplemented  as  they  have  been  by  Professor  Woodburn 
(who  contributes  a  very  necessary  chapter  on  the  Monroe  Doctrine)  they 
present  a  complete  and  well-balanced  history  of  the  politics  of  the  United 
States. "—Hartford  Courant. 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 
New  York  London 


